Communist Workers & Peasants Party Pakistan

Bahawalnagar Rally

2004-09-06T07:11:00.000-07:00

The CMKP offered its condolences to the great Bahawalnagar leader of our party Comrade Ghulam Bahu who passed away recently. On the 5th of September CMKP Central Committee and Punjab Committee members attended a chaleeswan and later a political rally held in honor of our great party leader.

The rally was attended by all the left political activists of Bahawalnagar district. From Bhatta Mazdoors, Rickshaw Unions, different Labour Fronts, to political activists of different left parties, all came to pay tribute to this great Marxist-Leninist who stood by socialism and the party his entire life. At the rally those who knew Bahu Sahib and had worked with him for decades narrated their experiences feelings and thoughts and expressed their deep sadness at the departure of one of one of the staunchest soldiers of the CMKP. People spoke about his commitment to the working-class through his legal profession, about his bravery and the four years he spent in jail under the terrorist courts, about his legal advice and work which he did without any cost for the working class and peasants, about the solid consistency of his work, and about his steadfastness in the face of opposition. Bahu sahib had an indefatigable confidence in the historic mission of the communist movement. Despite the breakup of the Soviet Union, the defeat of the left internationally and in Pakistan, and through every crisis or split that the party faced, he stood confidently and without hesitation like a solid rock holding aloft the red flag of the proletarian revolution. Despite the fact that he was from a middle-class family, and therefore had no direct stake in the proletariat revolution, he became convinced intellectually of the superiority of the socialist system. In his youth he was with the Pakistan army but when he saw how the army was an instrument of imperialist oppression, he joined the revolutionary movement. For his activities with the left he was summarily tried by special courts of the army and served four years in jail. He retrained himself to become an advocate so that he could enter politics and help the oppressed. This staunch soldier of comrade Major Ishaq never hesitated in the face of opposition and was known for his courage and determination.

At the rally President Punjab CMKP said that we should learn from comrade Ghulam Bahu’s life. The best form of appreciation of his life and struggle is to adopt the views and the organization that supports the views. He said that the working class has already learnt that without destroying capitalism there can be no end to hunger, poverty, and misery. The next lesson that the working class is learning is that without a communist party built on Marxist-Leninist principles capitalism cannot be destroyed. In the history of the last 150 years only the communists have destroyed capitalism. No populist party, NGO, non-political trade union or non-political peasant committee has ever defeated the capitalist system. Only the communists have done so because only the communists have the correct ideas and are tied to the struggle of the working class.

At the rally the senior Vice Chairman of our party said that the exemplary character of Ghulam Bahu is not separate from his affiliation with the communist movement. Every individual is tied to a social class and a social movement. Ghulam Bahu sacrificed for the poor because he was a die-hard communist, a representative of the oppressed, and a leading figure of the CMKP. If we communists have exemplary behavior it is because our movement is the wave of the future. He said that reactionaries accept science in every field, if they need medicine they rely on science, if they want to talk to people in this very rally they have to talk through a loud-speaker which is a product of modern science and so on. But when people want to apply the rules of science in order to analyze society, they call them kafirs. This is because they want to obscure the relations of exploitation in a religious garb and prevent a scientific analysis of the roots of oppression.

Speaking about the Baloch issue he lambasted the federal government and all opportunist elements that are failing to support the Baloch. He said, “Let no one doubt this, THE CMKP IS WITH THE BALOCH PEOPLE”. He said no one has the right to sit in Islamabad and take away the resources of the people. “As far as the Sardari system is concerned”, he said, “this is mainly an attempt by the establishment to confuse the issue. Naturally, every leftist is opposed to tribalism but the central issue is that the people of Balochistan as a whole are being robbed of their resources by the central government. And those who refuse to speak against this open robbery are complicit in the oppression of the Baloch”. He said Pakistan is not a nation-state but a multi-national state. Failure on the party of the establishment to recognize this central fact is leading to another 1971.

He concluded “The path of Ghulam Bahu, he is said is to swim against the tide, against the establishment, and never to bow to its pressure.”

The response of the people at the rally was unbelievably amazing. People from the audience responded by requesting that a political conference of workers and peasants be held on a yearly basis on the death anniversary of Ghulam Bahu. In the end of the rally, CMKP Bahawalnagar leaders thanked people for their support and active participation and pledged to carry forward the torch of comrade Ghulam Bahu, the torch of communism.

Long Live Comrade Ghulam Bahu
Long Live the CMKP

Murderous Civilization !

2004-08-24T13:10:00.000-07:00

By Hussain Ahmed

While the General of the Rogue Pakistan Army smokes cigars in his arm chair in the President House and the former Citibank Bank man packs his bags to move in to Prime Minister House, the weak and oppressed of this country continue to be dishonoured, pillaged and plundered. Not concerned with the abysmal set of social patriarchal relations in Pakistan, the duo running the show do not want to disturb the status quo. The question really is: has any Pakistani government in the past tried to change this socio-political order. No prizes to answer that question. The vanguards of the capitalist and feudal system existing in this country make the rules here, dictating to us the absolute necessity of maintaining the antiquated set of relations in this country, claiming to protect us from the adulteration of Western values and modernization. And yet the government of this country cannot even protect its own female councillor from wretched stripping by a gang of perverted imbeciles, who it seems cannot be harmed either by the local government or the representative parliamentarians of Nowshera district. So much for "devolution of power", "empowerment at grass root level", "good governance", "haqiqi jamhooreeyat" (real democracy) that has been touted by the ideologists of "Development". One thought that Mukhtaran Bibi's case was enough to ruffle anyone, let alone the "man of honour" that the General claims he is. Yet, out comes Councillor Kulsoom Bibi to relate her plight! All of us are responsible for the predicament Kulsoom Bibi and many like her find themselves in. Can we give them answers? Can we overturn their torturous and painful experiences? This state, its ideology, its founders, its leaders stand disgracefully naked in front of the images of the women who have been dishonoured this way.

Our silence will mean our complicity in the violations of women's fundamental rights.

Fight Patriarchy !

"So many deeds cry out to be done, And always urgently;
The world rolls on, Time presses.
Ten thousand years are too long, Seize the day, seize the hour!"
~ Mao Tse-Tung 1963.

In Solidarity,
Hussain

(For a detailed discussion of the Marxist position on women, please refer to Engels' Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm)

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NOWSHERA: Councillor complains of being stripped

DAWN By Our Correspondent

NOWSHERA, Aug 23: A woman member of Pir Payaee union council has alleged that she and her friend were stripped by two men belonging to a notorious gang to punish them for lodging a complaint against them in a rape case.

Speaking at a press conference at her residence here on Sunday, councillor Kulsoom Bibi said her friend Rubina had complained to her that two men, Javed and Ropal, sons of Fazal Malik alias Gonga Qasab, had forcefully entered her house and criminally assaulted her about three months ago.

She said she took Rubina to Fazal Malik and complained to him about the incident. Later, Javed and Ropal came to her house and told her that they wanted to settle the matter with Rubina.

Kulsoom Bibi claimed that they insisted that the settlement would be made in the presence of their father Fazal Malik at their house. However, she alleged, when they went to their house the following day, members of "Gonga gang" forced them to put off their clothes, and when they refused they stripped them naked. Later, she said, the gangsters wrote their names and addresses on their bodies and also
made a video film.

She said they had to pay Rs30,000 to the sons of Gonga Qasab to secure their release. After her release, Kulsoom Bibi said, she moved to Islamabad along with her eight children and decided to keep quiet.

In Islamabad, she claimed, she sought the help of elected representatives belonging to the Nowshera district. However, all of them advised her to reach a settlement with the 'Gonga gang' to save her life as they were dangerous people. Later, she returned to Pir Payaee.

Kulsoom Bibi said she reported the matter to the police but no action was taken against the gang who had criminally assaulted many women of the village. She said people of the area were reluctant to speak against the gang out of fear for their life as Gonga Qasab and his sons and nephews had let loose a reign of terror in the area.

She said that instead of extending her any help, representatives of the district and tehsil councils and the police advised her to strike a deal with Gonga Qasab.

The councillor said three of the gangsters were arrested a week back but they managed to get bail. She alleged the criminals had dishonoured many married women of the village but their menfolk were keeping quiet out of fear.

The SHO of Azakhel police station, who was also present on the occasion, told newsmen that Gonga Qasab, his five sons and nephews had terrorized the village to an extent that nobody was ready to testify against them.

He said the police had raided the house of Gonga Qasab many times during the past two months and also arrested his three sons and seized a Kalashnikov from them. Two other sons of Gonga Qasab had been declared proclaimed offenders, he added. He urged the people to cooperate with the police so that the criminals could be brought to justice.

(http://www.dawn.com/2004/08/24/local34.htm)

Dhammic Socialism

2004-08-17T05:09:00.000-07:00

By Hussain Ahmed

It amuses me how religious clerics come up with theories that they claim are the panacea to save humanity, whereas in reality they are just attempts at face saving religion. Ajarn Buddhadasa is not the first one to hijack and prostitute Marxism by giving it a more religiously inclined outlook. "Dhammic Socialism" and "Liberation Theology", although markedly different in their tenets, are both localized versions of socio-political orders that follow a stark pattern of plagiarizing Marxism, and attacking the very foundations of historical dialectical materialism. Let us critically analyze the article on "Dhammic Socialism" sent by Felix.

The article sets out by defining the term "Dhammic" and the Buddhist understanding of the term "Socialism", and subsequently what is meant by "Dhammic Socialism". Dhammic is defined as the following:

To be Dhammic is to be non-violent, unselfish, compassionate, mindful, and cool. Ajarn Buddhadasa summarized it in two words "peaceful" and "useful."

Socialism, according to Buddhist traditions, is understood as:

Sangkom-niyom, the Thai word for Socialism, literally means "preference for society," or "favoring society" rather than favoring the individual (that is, individualism).

Dhammic Socialism finds its roots embedded in Nature and in what it claims to be selflessness and morality in one's ethics and values, derived from religious and spiritual pleasure. Marxism explains history in terms of dialectical materialism and class struggles.

While Dhamma is purely a Buddhist construct, Scientific Socialism is purely an inspiration from Marxist traditions. Socialism has been defined by August Bebel in "Die Frau und der Sozialismus", put into perspective by Engels in 'Socialism: Utopian and Scientific', thoroughly explained by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto, and followed up by a number of other great theoreticians in their various works. Consider the following:

"The organization of society in such a manner that any individual, man or woman, finds at birth equal means for the development of their respective faculties and the utilization of their labor. The organization of society in such a manner that the exploitation by one person of the labor of his neighbor would be impossible, and where everyone will be allowed to enjoy the social wealth only to the extent of their contribution to the production of that wealth."

~ August Bebel
(Die Frau und der Sozialismus)

Perhaps the primary reason why the above understanding of Socialism has been contested by large segments of the bourgeoisie, religious clerics and other reactionaries is because it seeks to disturb the very foundations of the status quo that exists. The materialistic conception of history obviously shatters the premises upon which religions lie. Dhammic Socialism is another one of those theories that pursues the active vilification of Marxism, and in particular materialism. Similar to the propaganda the Muslim mullahs (clerics) instigated from mosques and maddrassas (Islamic schools) in Pakistan against communism, Buddhist propaganda against materialism emanated in a Buddhist monastery called Suan Mokkh in Southern Thailand. Marx would have been proud to have seen his famous phrase "Religion is the opium of the masses" manifest itself so truly in Suan Mokkh. Suan Mokkh is literally translated as the "Garden of Liberation", and is most popular as an international Buddhist retreat. Set in aloof and serene settings, Suan Mokkh aims to rid the individual from the "tyranny of the ego" and practice Dhamma in everything the individual practices. The setting provides a perfect venue to appease the participants and brainwash them in the atmosphere that has been created away from the cosmopolitan centers of Thailand. The religious lectures, while concentrating on Buddhist teachings and values, are also set out to try and ideologically attack materialism. The overall paradigm of operations at Suan Mokkh reflects the fact that the teachings at Suan Mokkh seek to unite all religious majority and minority groups against materialism. This policy is known as "Three Resolutions" at Suan Mokkh. The three resolutions are:

To help everyone penetrate to the heart of their own religion;
To create mutual good understanding among all religions;
To work together to drag the world out from materialism.

Ajarn Buddhadasa, a Buddhist priest in Suan Mokkh, and the founder of Dhammic Socialism sought to form an international Dharma hermitage, whose primary purpose would be to "bring together spiritual people from all of Thailand's religions to further mutual good understanding and cooperation against rampant materialism and moral decay".

Clearly, there is a clash of interests here. Why does Dhammic Socialism try and focus on negating materialism? The answer is simply put by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". Dharmmic Socialism is a product ofspecific objective conditions of Thailand: i.e. the response of the olf feudal classes to the rise of Scientific Socialism.The objective conditions of Thailand necessitated the formulation of Dhammic Socialism. Historically, Buddhism in Thailand has been embroiled in excessive state control, the failure of rural development, modernization and consumerism "all factors that have strangled Buddhism and its control over citizens. Added to that is extensive patriarchy within Buddhism that has played a crucial role in the retrogressive nature of Buddhism in Thailand. Naturally, religious clerics do not want to let go off their stranglehold over masses. When Communism was presenting itself as a viable alternative to the prevailing economic order, especially in the decade of the 1970s, Dhammic Socialism was conceived in order to firstly discredit materialism, and secondly to reinvigorate Buddhism in Thailand.

Moreover, Dhammic Socialism sought to maintain the status quo by promising the aristocracy, feudals and bourgeoisie that their existing position in society would be unharmed. It claimed that Socialism can go wrong, if not coupled with Dhamma, as Dhamma would add to it the virtues of honesty, morality and non-violence. Dhammic Socialism in essence was diametrically opposed to Scientific Socialism Conjured during the peak of the Cold War, Dhammic Socialism utilized Cold War anti-Communist card to engender a fear in the aristocracy, feudals and bourgeoisie. Dhammic Socialism rather provoked an argument of peaceful co-existence between various class groups, stating that interdependence was imperative to build a harmonious society.

And yet the Karma that the Buddhists preach is ripe with social and cultural retrogression, often culminating in institutionalized violence against the minorities and the marginalized. Dhammic Socialism does not uphold parity with respect to gender rights. Patriarchy and chauvinism are the products of the hold male monks want to have over society in general. Even in this day and age, birth in female form is often seen as a result of bad karma, hence severely devaluing the social status of women. Gender and domestic violence are the direct product of the perception of a woman's inferior karma, which according to Buddhist norms, they must endure with patience.

The above assertions (the connection between Buddhism and patriarchy) is well documented in various pieces of work. I will reproduce here the work of Ouyporn Khuankaew from an article called "Feminism and Buddhism: A Reflection through Personal Life & Working Experience"

We do not have ordination for women in Thailand. Since Thai nuns have not been recognized legally or socially as ordained women, their status is the lowest of all women, because they do not belong to any category of women, either within the lay or monastic community.

The patriarchy of Thai Buddhism also contributes to prostitutionâ€¦

In Thai culture, it is a tradition for all Thai men to be ordained, usually before they get married, in order to pay gratitude to their parents (especially their mother since she herself cannot be ordained). By having a son ordained, it is believed that the parents can cling to the yellow robe of their son and reach heaven after their death. This ordination is usually temporary, in which men are allowed to leave their jobs with pay for three months in order to fulfill their duty to be monks. It is also believed that monkhood for three months will purify their minds so that they will be good family leaders once they are married.

Whereas rural boys have access to education and resources through the monkhood, girls do not have the same opportunity because there is no ordination for women. To pay gratitude to parents, in particular, to provide economic security, they have very few choices - to become a maid, a factory worker or a prostitute. Because boys repay gratitude to their parents by being ordained in their youth, they fulfill their duty early in life. A girl's way to repay gratitude to her parents is usually to take care of them when they are old.

Because rural development programs in the past thirty years have failed to improve the lives of the farmers, and in fact have driven them into more debt and suffering, girls often have no way to access resources to help take care of the family. In rural areas such as my community, when the signs of rural development failure came to light, girls such as my sisters and her friends were the first group who left our village with the hope of earning money to help alleviate the suffering of the family. The first group of young women who left my village went to work as house maids, and a few of them ended up in brothels as a result of sexual abuse from the male members of the households in which they were employed.

The North has become famous for prostitution. In the past ten years, girls as young as eight have been sold by parents and the money used to pay debts, to send her brothers to school, to build a new modern house or to buy a pickup truck for her family. This epidemic has spread to the Northeast where the suffering hits the rural poor the hardest. Pattaya, a famous beach and resort town two hours southeast of Bangkok, is full of girls from the Northeast, many earning their living as sex workers. In the past ten years, young Thai women have also gone overseas to be prostitutes despite the risk of their own lives because the financial return is higher than at home. The number of prostitutes in Thailand is almost equal to the number of monks. If young, rural girls could be given the same opportunity as the boys to enter a monastic life, they would have access to education and at the same time be able to repay spiritual gratitude to their parents. These opportunities could provide girls and women with proper monastic education and spiritual guidance so they can become important spiritual guides for the rural folks, particularly other women and girls. Due to male dominance within Thai Buddhism, however, girls and women have been deprived of such an opportunity. Consequently, they have been victims of different forms of violence against girls and women, such as domestic violence, rape and forced prostitution.

Most monks today do not enter monkhood based upon the faith of wanting to learn and practice the Buddha's teachings in order to get rid of their own suffering and help ease the suffering of other sentient beings (especially the desire to be a spiritual guide in return for all of the support that the people give them). It is very common in rural areas, particularly in the North, to see monks disrobe after years of comfortable living while accumulating material resources and knowledge at the expense of community and monastic resources, and to then go on to get married almost immediately. This is the main reason why Buddhism, for many years now, has failed to function in its traditional role as the source of spiritual guidance for the Thai population.

Nowadays in the North, the rural villagers tolerate monks who break their discipline (vinaya) by drinking or having illicit sex, because they need a monk to perform Buddhist ceremonies such as funerals and the temple's religious events. Those who are devoted to real Buddhism have to go visit the Northeastern forest monks who mostly live in caves or in an isolated temple situated near the forest.

"The greatest challenge to my spiritual practice is almost every time that I encounter a situation to work with high status monks or highly educated or experienced men who have suffered from patriarchal systems. Particularly for monks, to do an experiential activity makes them feel uncomfortable, especially when they have to do it with women. Expressing feelings or hearing women talk about their feelings makes them uncomfortable. For them, showing feelings makes it seem that they are not good monks because they are still effected by worldly defilement. As an ordained person, they are supposed to maintain equanimity to whatever happens around them. One time during a workshop in Cambodia, a few monks got up and left the session when one of the women started crying while talking about her suffering during the Pol Pot regime. One monk scolded her to stop crying.

Another challenge of working with monks and male Buddhist scholars is that they think they are the authorities to speak about Buddhism because they know more that everybody else. One time a well educated monk who is known for his preaching refused to join in a half an hour gender workshop. But after the activity was done, he wanted to preach to the group about Buddhism saying that in Nirvana, the state of enlightenment, there is no gender so we do not need to talk about gender issues.

Moreover, economic inequality and political oppression are also justified with the explanation of karma. Economic/Income Disparity and prevailing material conditions of one are believed to be the just results of previous bad karma, regardless of their present moral character or behavior. The practice of generosity (dana) is translated as providing the monks with material goods. Hence, while the richer are supposedly better Buddhists by spending more on religion, and ensuring an even greater life in Nirvana, the poor are left to rue their poverty, that they believe will come back and haunt them in their next lives. While they probably aspire to resist the oppression of the system as a whole, karma again impedes their progress as defying oppressive power is seen to involve anger and conflict, thereby engendering bad karma. And hence, the status quo does not get affected, the rich do not fear revolution, the poor fall in the dual chasm of religion and capitalism. And life goes on as normal.

Communism not only offers a scientific understanding of how and why the poor are oppressed, a solution to their conundrum, and taking society on a progressive route, free of retrogressive, sexist and antiquated cultures and customs, it also helps to explain the material conditions that give rise to philosophies such as Dhammic Socialism.

It is my understanding that the views of Dhammic Socialism are similar to the ideas of Feudal Socialism that arose in Europe albeit in the specific material context of Thailand. That is why I leave the reader with the brilliant expose of Feudal Socialism by Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels in the Communist Manifesto.

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French Revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain of literature, the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to lose sight, apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus, the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe.

In this way arose feudal socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half an echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle:

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.

For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts to this: that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed which is destined to cut up, root and branch, the old order of society.

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.

In political practice, therefore, they join in all corrective measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high-falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour, for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has clerical socialism with feudal socialism.

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the state? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.

~ Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels
(The Communist Manifesto: Chapter 3)

A Time to Celebrate????

2004-08-14T05:07:00.000-07:00

Jaffer Raza

As the nation celebrates the 57th independence day of Pakistan I am still confused as to what I should do. Celebrate and enjoy like the rest of the nation or sit and ponder as to where it all went wrong. I do not know at this very important day if I should question the inception of Pakistan or just pray for the future of my country.

I have long questioned the inception of the country, the nature of the struggle and the role of the leaders of the Muslim League. The nation doesn’t seem to do the same. There are no questions asked and no points to ponder. What is contained in the syllabus is what the young men of our country know. The distorted history that is portrayed through the national television is what the nation is forced to believe.

The people, the various television networks, politicians and people from all walks of life take great pride in the fervor and enthusiasm shown by the young on this very day. Youths racing on motor bikes with national flags with them, some painting their faces with the national colors, some wearing badges and others dancing to the beat of the national songs is a common site throughout the country. Yes there may be a feeling of nationalism but sadly it lasts for a day. I often wonder whether it is the feeling of “extreme nationalism” or whether a day of leisure for the entertainment starved nation.

I was switching through the TV channels the other day and I managed to look at an advertisement that was being aired. What I saw was initially highly amusing but realistically sad. An oil company of foreign origin broke the world record for the longest flag ever made in the history of this world. This is hardly a world record worth boasting of. Strong nations are neither made by racing on motor bikes with flags and neither are they made by producing the largest flag ever made. Nations are made by hard working people, people who want a change, people who voice their concerns, people who think; scholars, scientists, doctors, engineers. It is sadly not made by people who once a year paint their faces with national colors. If that was the criteria we would be at the top of the world. Yes we may have made the world record for the longest flag, but how many Nobel Laureates have we produced? How much has our literacy rate improved? How many army governments have we been able to overthrow? These questions demand answers and the sorry state of affairs will very sadly be in our faces when we attempt to answer them.

Priorities at this point have to be decided. Will the patriotic songs of Noor Jehan take the country forward or does hard work hold the key for us. Hard work; towards a change. A change that will take the nation forward. Yes at this point we can and we should thank God for the blessings that have been bestowed upon our nation, which at times we fail to realize. We as a nation deserve much worse. It is not the time to celebrate but a time to think, a time to ponder and a time to work towards a Pakistan which we can really celebrate in the true sense of that word.

Internal Colonization

2004-08-14T05:05:00.000-07:00

by Jaffer Raza

Almost 57 years have passed since the inception of Pakistan and its “independence” is still a topic of discussion between scholars, political scientists and the common man. Different people have expressed their respected views on this topic. Some argue that it was a blessing for the Muslims of the Sub Continent and others have reservations on how this country came into being. The two nation theory while being hailed by some schools is thrashed by others. Therefore the inception of Pakistan to date is sadly very debatable.

There are a number of questions that come to ones mind as far as the creation of Pakistan is concerned. For whom was the country made for? Did it actually serve the purpose? Was it worth the millions of lives lost during that period? Was the Muslim League really a party for the people? Was Jinnah really a leader the whole nation looks up to? And the most important question. Are we an independent nation capable of taking our own decisions?

The initial questions can arise a long and a never ending debate. Each of them have enough substance to write a complete article on. I will therefore attempt to tackle the last and the most important question keeping in mind the initial ones.

The inception of Pakistan to me sadly remains under a shadow of doubt. I ask my self if this is how nation states come into being. I look at history and see the development of Europe and again ask my self whether we are capable of calling ourselves a nation state. Did the homeland for Muslims actually serve the purpose when the majority of the Muslim population lives across the other side of the border (especially after the fall of Dhaka).

The main question which bothers me is whether we are capable of being called an independent nation or are we just slaves, being ruled the same way, by different people. Or maybe the same people in a different form, representing the interests of those who ruled over us for centuries. I ask the question whether the ideology behind independence was just to get the British out of the country and claim that we are an independent nation.

Well sadly I think we are still colonized. Independence to me is not getting rid of the foreign colonizers but to free the country from the shackels of what I would call “internal colonizers.”

It is my contention that we are still being ruled and the life of an ordinary citizen in Pakistan has not improved since independence but it has sadly worsened. It is indeed worse that the citizens of this country are treated the same way as they were before 14th August 1947, but this time around only by their own people. The army, the politicians, the landlords to me is just a different form of our country being colonized. In fact it is sadder that we in our own country are being colonized by our own people, people who dance to the tunes played from Washington, and people who only understand the language of power and money. From the British Viceroy to the army generals it’s all the same. One can give an analogy of a math problem where you reach the same result but only from different methods. This seems to be the case here. It is literally the change in skin color that seems to be the difference in this case and of course the result is the same, the common man of Pakistan is where he was, only hoping for a better future.

For me, independence from the British was not the solution for a prosperous nation; it was only the initial step. The important part was to control the internal elements in our society which can exploit, control and arbitrarily rule over the country. The need was to control elements such as the army, bureaucracy, politicians and the landlords. Such elements are simply playing the same role as the British colonizers, only with a stamp of approval on them. The stamp of approval, being the silence exercised by the people. Sir Martin Luther King once said “The day you know the truth and you do not say it; it is the day you begin to die.” The real purpose of independence to me seems to be missing as we are still being ruled, only by different people in a different way. The only difference that can come to my mind is that the British administration was immaculate while the administration of the “local colonizers” leaves a lot to be desired.

On paper we may have gained independence but we still have a long way to reach what is really called independence. Nelson Mandela in his very fine book “Long Walk to Freedom” wrote “When one climbs a hill he finds that there are many other hills to climb. My long walk to freedom is not over.” Certainly ours towards independence is neither and there are unquestionably many other hills to climb.

(In) Dependence Day

2004-08-14T05:03:00.000-07:00

On this day 14th August in 1947 the region that is now divided between India, Pakistan and Bangladesh switched from colonial subjugation to neo-colonial subjugation. The British colonizers who had initiated a process of industrialization for their own benefit created a small but growing industrial class allied closely with the slowly co-opted landowning aristocracy. This native ruling class closely allied with the British came together from various areas within India, but most notably it was centered in North India. Naturally, control over resources, markets, and a larger share of the colonial super-profits always resulted (and will continue to result) in rivalries between various sections of this ruling class. Religion and nationalism were quite naturally the ideological weapons of choice in the contestation of power between these sections of the ruling class and also between the classes representing a new mode of production (i.e. the bourgeoisie) and other classes whose life were based upon pre-capitalist mode of productions. These conflicts therefore assumed not only cynical nationalist form but also the character of national–liberation struggles of the oppressed nationalities—pre-capitalist as they might have been. However, regardless of whether they were nationalist or national-liberation movements they were held together to some extent by the common goal of liberation from British colonialism from the rise of the nationalist movement till about the mid 1930s. With the independence clearly around the corner these fissures began to grow and under the rubric of the quite incorrect “Two Nation” theory sections of the ruling class who were Muslims made a bid for power separate from the Congress. The Muslim League was built on the most reactionary sections of the Indian ruling class: Feudal lords and aristocrats. Therefore, far from assuming the character of national-liberation, they were infact almost entirely reacting to the new ideas of liberation that were a product of the awakening of the colonial people against occupation.

The party of the proletariat was as yet not strong enough such that it could implement a Leninist solution to the national question in the Sub-Continent. The Leninist solution would no doubt upheld the right of every nation to self-determination including secession. Such a right would have taken away the need for secession and built international proletarian unity on the basis of equality and mutual fraternity. Furthermore, the elimination of capitalism would have brought a society where resources are shared evenly and the gradual elimination of regional economic inequality and class inequities would have resulted in the growing fraternization of people of all nations. At the same time, the Leninist solution would no doubt have pointed out that a nation is a historically constituted stable community, based on a common language, territory, culture, and economic bond. And that therefore people of one religion are not, by virtue of belonging to a religion, people of one nation. The Communists would have pointed out that in India there is neither one nation, nor two-nations, but in fact many nations and that each should have complete economic, political, and cultural equality in all spheres of life. Such a solution that accords with the wishes of the vast majority of people could become possible on the basis of the social ownership of the means of production. As long as capitalism survives development will always be uneven. Resources will move owing to the law of value and the tendency to make more profit towards the better developed markets, thereby, resulting in an exploitative relationship between various nations. A complete and final solution to the national question can only come about on the basis of socialism.

Today in Pakistan we return once again to the national question as a burning issue in our movement. The Baloch insurgency is rekindling and the Balochistan Liberation Army and other organizations are increasingly active. Ask the Baloch and the overwhelming majority will respond “Independence, what independence. We are now under the colonial occupation of a Punjab based Army”.

On the left there have been those opportunists who claim that the Baloch are “not a nation”. Such for example was the position of Feroz Ahmed (although he changed it in later days). Other’s will argue that this is a national conflict but one in which the Baloch nationalists are fighting to preserve an outmoded Sardari mode of production. Both these positions in the view of our party accord in one way or another with the views of the establishment. They are both scientifically incorrect and are the basis of opportunism on the national question in Pakistan. Such positions deserve nothing but rebuke and scorn. A Marxist analysis clearly shows that the Baloch are a nation (in fact to suggest otherwise is patently stupid) and further that they are an ‘oppressed’ nation. Aside from our communist task of supporting the struggle of the Baloch we should also ask the wider questions that are brought to the fore with the rise of the Baloch insurgency.

What kind of independence are we celebrating (in which 13 boys were killed and over 300 injured in motorcycle related accidents yesterday)? Have we become independent of US imperialism? Is our foreign policy, economic policy truly sovereign and independent? Are the Bhatta mazdoors who work in medieval slave like conditions ‘independent’? Are the women of Pakistan ‘independent’? Are they free from harassment? Do they have equality before the law, in their families, in politics, in economic life, or even in their own homes? Are the tenants of Okarra, who have been charged with rent for about 50 years by an authority that has no legal rights over the land, free? The level of poverty rose to 33 per cent from 20 per cent in the last 15 years, even though the economy looked up with a growth rate of 5.1 per cent. Is this independence?

Yet, there are millions of people celebrating INDEPENDENCE.

They are celebrating the illusions not the reality of independence. The reality of independence is that since the British left, the ruling class of India and Pakistan became free. Free to exploit the people and enjoy a larger share of the colonial profits. Free to abscond with millions of rupees from the public exchequer, free to embezzle money in BCCI like frauds, free like admiral Mansoor to make more money than the entire navy, free to enjoy their colonial wealth in gregarious splendor and pomp.

But the people of Pakistan remained colonial slaves. It is true that these slaves were able to win a few rights that became legislated and from time to time they even managed to enforce one or two of these rights. But on the whole, merely the form of slavery was changed, the fact of colonial slavery remained as before A FACT!!!

What we celebrate, if we celebrate at all, is merely the illusion not the reality of independence.

Isn’t it better than to cast away illusions and to confront reality? To proclaim clearly and unequivocally that we have not achieved real independence but that we are setting out anew towards that noble end. That independence for workers and peasants, women and oppressed nationalities, Bhatta mazdoors and tenants, can only come about with the overthrow of this neo-colonial system of dependence.

Independence can only come with red clarion call of the socialist revolution. The socialist revolution can only come about with the overthrow of this wretched, debauched, pathetic, and degenerate ruling class.

Down with Neo-Colonialism
Long Live Revolution

CMKP - Fight the US Occupation of Iraq

2004-08-10T08:43:00.000-07:00

Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party

PAKISTANI TROOPS SHOULD GO TO IRAQ ---

TO FIGHT US OCCUPATION!

The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party held a seminar on the death anniversary of comrade Nazir Abbasi (communist leader tortured to death by the establishment in 1981) to condemn the debate on sending Pakistani troops to help the US occupation of Iraq. The seminar was surrounded by a heavy contingent of police armed in full riot gear (the number of policemen was twice the number of seminar participants). The seminar was attended by representatives from nearly all left political parties in Pakistan. However, the overwhelming CMKP supporters were factory workers and Bhatta workers clearly differentiating this seminar from other left seminars. The seminar was an enormous success and participants were energized by a potent mix of analysis and revolutionary communist poetry. Press coverage was decent (a TV crew also shot the event but I cannot confirm which network they were from). Unintelligent Intelligence agents were prowling around (including in the seminar) and attempted to get as much information as possible. None of these things even remotely phased or worried the audience all of whom were committed and hardened activists and were not going to be intimidated by the establishment. The most wonderful impact of the seminar was the rejuvenation of the genuine communists. Branches of our movement that had long been out of touch or silent suddenly reemerged—activists came to the participants and said “I am so and so, and I have worked with this branch of the party for x years under comrade y’s leadership, now tell me how do I get active again.” It confirmed the view that there are communists or sympathizers in every nook and cranny of Pakistan, they just need organization. When a party or movement makes genuine sacrifices and takes real risks for the people, sympathizers emerge from the woodwork to carry the movement forward. We hope that our efforts on behalf of the CMKP will be another step in the direction of a socialist society.

Daily Times

Send troops to Iraq to fight US occupiers: CMKP

By Mehreen Z Malik

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_10-8-2004_pg7_16

LAHORE: The people of Pakistan want the Pakistan army to fight in Iraq against the US occupiers, the Punjab President of the Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party (CMKP) said on Monday.

The CMKP held a seminar at Nasir Bagh to introduce a “different view-point” on the issue of sending troops to Iraq.

“The two limits of this debate have been prescribed before hand and they are: we should either send troops to Iraq to help the US occupation or stay neutral,” said Mr Rahman. “The CMKP wants to follow a different lead and that is that troops should indeed be sent to Iraq, but they will go to fight against US occupation.”

Mr Rahman said that keeping in mind the “neo-colonial history” of the army, the CMKP’s demand would never be met. “However, CMKP believes that this demand conveys the true and popular will of the people of Pakistan and highlights the enormous gulf between the revolutionary anti-imperialist spirit of the people and the completely servile nature of the Pakistan establishment,” said Mr Rahman.

Speakers at the seminar did not give any credence to the government’s informal pledge of not making any decision contrary to the wishes of the people. “The rubber stamp parliament of Pakistan was not capable of defending its own prime minister and is obviously not going to take a serious stand on this issue,” said Mr Rahman. “Even if it does take a stand, everyone knows that the army couldn’t care less about parliamentary approval.”

Speakers at the seminar pledged that they would not “stand by and watch” while the Pakistani army became complicit in “yet another genocide”. The party aimed to build enormous public pressure to ensure that Pakistani troops did not go to Iraq to help the US occupation, “euphemistically called ‘helping in the reconstruction of Iraq’”, said Mr Rahman.

Ahmed Yusuf, the Lahore secretary of the CMKP, explained the Draft Programme of the CMKP, which contains four tenets: secularism, democracy, socialism and anti-imperialism.

“The immediate objectives of our party are to destroy the neo-colonial and semi-feudal chains in which the people of Pakistan are enslaved,” said Mr Yusuf. “The party has the immediate task of setting up a People’s Democracy that will pave the way for socialism.” Such a revolution would secure the concentration of power in the elected representatives of the people without outside interference, said Mr Yusuf.

“We are fighting for the complete elimination of all discriminatory practices and laws against women and the transfer of control of industries to the workers of Pakistan,” said Mr Yusuf. “Also, our party provides fraternal assistance to progressive movements all over the world to overthrow the rule of US imperialism and Zionism.” The CMKP was formed in 1994 when the Communist Party of Pakistan and the Mazdoor Kissan Party came together. Emerging from over 54 years of struggle, the CMKP has been unwavering in its defence of Marxism-Leninism.

COMMUNIST MAZDOOR KISSAN PARTY

Press Release

9 August, 2004

PAKISTANI TROOPS SHOULD GO TO IRAQ ---

TO FIGHT US OCCUPATION!

The people of Pakistan want the Pakistan army to fight in Iraq AGAINST THE U.S. OCCUPIERS.

Recently, Pakistani society has been contemplating whether to send troops to Iraq. The limits of this debate have been prescribed before hand and they are: either we should send troops to Iraq to help the US occupation, euphemistically called ‘Helping in the reconstruction of Iraq’ under a UN mandate, or Pakistan should stay neutral. The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party held a seminar on 9th August 2004, in which it stated that it wishes to introduce a different point-of-view, which is that the Pakistani troops should go in to Iraq to fight the US occupation. Given the neo-colonial history of this army, the CMKP acknowledges that this will never happen. However, they feel that this demand expresses the true and popular will of the people of Pakistan and underscores the enormous gulf between the revolutionary, anti-imperialist spirit of the people and the completely servile nature of the Pakistani establishment.

Although the Government has said that Pakistani troops will not be sent to Iraq without UN approval, without request of the Iraqi ‘government’ (occupation forces), and parliamentary approval, and an informal pledge has been made that no decision contrary to the wishes of the people will be made in this regard, the CMKP feels that Pakistan’s rubber stamp parliament could not even defend its own Prime Minister; it is obviously not going to take a serious stand on this issue. Further, even if it did take a serious stand, at the end of the day everyone knows that the army couldn’t care less about parliamentary approval. They also stated that the people of Pakistan do not accept the secret deals that are being conducted behind their backs to send troops to Iraq.

The CMKP insisted that they are not going to stand by while the Pakistani army becomes complicit in yet another genocide. The party pledged to build enormous public pressure to ensure that Pakistani troops do not fight for the US occupiers and their puppets in Iraq. The seminar concluded that all people stand shoulder to shoulder against US imperialism.

AMP Struggle Update

2004-07-29T05:34:00.000-07:00

CMKP Punjab representative mazdoor front went to Okarra on Sunday last to stand shoulder to shoulder with the tenants of AMP. On the day that he arrived there was a massive standoff between the police and the tenants that was also reported in the papers. What the papers did not report was the bravery of the tenents in facing the police.

In a verbal agreement between the AMP and the Military Farm authorities 560 acres of land would be left to the Mazaraz (to cultivate without interference) and 82 acres would be handed over to the farm authorities. It turns out that the Farm Authorities gave this land over to the Army Welfare Trust which brings it directly under the military and converts it into a sort of cantonment. Second, the publication of the Human Rights Watch report (www.hrw.org) also further raised this issue on a larger scale. When members of the AMP were arrested recently, women went to the High Court to appeal for their bail etc. About 40 women were badly beaten by the police and more people were arrested for having showed up at all. This provoked a large demonstration on G.T. road and then on Sunday it provoked a further action near 15 chak.

On the morning of this Sunday the AMP people announced rom Mosque and Church loud speakers that everyone should assemble near the water canal where the police (who the tenants argued were Rangers in police clothes) had opened the water for the 82 acres that was closed by tenants during this confrontation. The tenants approached the area and began to assemble. The police called reinforcements and were fully armed with rifles. The AMP tenants marched towards the police chanting slogans of "Malki ya Maut" (Ownership or Death). The police bolted their guns and aimed directly at the unarmed crowd (although I am told that in the rear of the march the AMP also had a few light weapons for self-defence--naturally such weapons were nothing in comparison to the weapons of the police). Women were in front of the march with their thappas ready to club the police and ready to face a volley of bullets if necessary (they have faced such volleys of firings many times in the past). The unprecedented participation of women in this movement is a well documented fact. When the AMP march reached within a few yards of the police, the police chickened out and ran away. The police took shelter on the other side of the canal and the tenants closed the nakka (water source) for the 82 acres of the AWT.

After this the Nazim came and requested talks with AMP leaders. They went to the police station and held talks for about two and half hours. At the end of the talk the AMP leadership came back and announced that the police had agreed to their demands and that the tenants should not peacefully disperse. In the newspapers the next morning this last statement was given prominance to give a peaceful tinge to the entire affair. The fact on the grounds are that the tenants are bursting forth with revolutionary fervor and energy.

Naturally, all the tenants were ecstatic that the CMKP had sent a delegation on the very day that this stand-off was occurring (most other organisations are unwilling to go to Okarra and prefer to support the tenants from a safe distance). Our comrades have been doing solidarity work with the AMP nearly since it began (3.5 years ago), but more earnestly for the last 2 years. I think I don't need to tell anyone about the risks that CMKP cadres have undertaken to support this struggle--it should be obvious given our history of struggle. Suffice it to say that we have and will continue to truly stand shoulder to shoulder with the tenants in everyway, NO MATTER THE CONSEQUENCES.

The victory of the Mazarin is our victory

Long live the struggle of the Mazarin

Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party in Kashmir

2004-07-22T05:16:00.000-07:00

Last Friday, members of the Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party ( Rawalpindi District) went to Kashmir on a three day trip.

On Friday evening the CMKP visited a small village called Dhaana Kaacheeli, where they talked to various Kashmiri peasants and workers about the current national and international situation. The CMKP stressed upon the fact that the whole aura of the "independence" movement would prove futile if Kashmir were to become "free" in the traditional sense of the word with the rich capitalist and feudal class being the dominant one. The CMKP told the Kashmiri workers and peasants that both the states of India and Pakistan were using the Kashmiri people as an instrument of deception. The Pakistan military has forged an aura of "emergency" in the country, and a self created "threat" from India. This way, the CMKP stressed the military was able to justify its intervention in politics, and is able to divert resources towards themselves.

At Dhaana Kacheeli, the CMKP distributed pamphlets and the Constitution of the Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party. The CMKP’s line was that without an organization of the workers and peasants on Marxist-Leninist principles, and a struggle for socialism in Kashmir, neither will Kashmir ever be "free", nor will the condition of the poor people ever change. Thus, a revolutionary struggle must begin within Kashmir, for a socialist, free, secular, and democratic future.

The next day, the CMKP contingent went to the Valley of Lipa( at 15,000 ft above sea level), which is right on the Line of Control between India and Pakistan. Here they conducted a meeting at a local hotel with the workers and peasants of Kashmir. Most of the workers and peasants agreed with the CMKP’s line, and responded enthusiastically to the pamphlets and reading material that the CMKP gave them.

The CMKP stressed upon the Kashmiri people that despite giving so many lives they had still not achieved their goal because their political line was incorrect, and they had not been able to see that the real enemy was the enemy inside. They were defeated in all previous battles because they had fought on religious grounds, and had not developed class consciousness. This attitude, the CMKP stressed was reactionary, and would not lead to "freedom". The CMKP contingent reminded them of a similar situation, when the British had colonized us, and when our ancestors had blindly followed their "great leaders", without realizing that "freedom without socialism is like a bird without wings". Thus, soon after the British left, Indian and Pakistani society was overtaken by the capitalist and feudal class, and the poor workers and peasants had no representation in the system whatsoever. The CMKP reminded them of the words of Bhagat Singh:

"What is freedom? A transfer of power from the colonizers to a handful of rich and powerful indians? Is this freedom? Will this make any difference to the common man? To the worker, to the peasant ? Will this really be freedom? NO!. Freedom can only be achieved if the class system of oppression and exploitation is eliminated, with the establishment of Socialism. Only this would create a just, equal, and humane society, with all religions and nationalities having equal rights…"

Thus, the CMKP insisted upon the workers that without revolutionary struggle they could not dream of changing their fate. A revolutionary struggle on Marxist-Leninist grounds would lead to the realization of a socialist, secular, free, and democratic Kashmir.

The CMKP contingent left Kashmir on Sunday, and on their way back were hopeful that their message would reach the maximum number of people, and would one day lead to a revolution throughout Kashmir, and Pakistan would one day see the demise of military dictatorships, an end to American imperialism, and the death of the all capitalist and feudal vampires.

Long Live Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party
Long Live Revolution
Inkalab Zindabad
Samraaj Murdaabaad

Democracy, General(ly)

2004-07-14T06:18:00.000-07:00

by Maria Khan

The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.
~Albert Einstein~

“Events in Pakistan have come full circle.” That is what one eminent scholar declared when the second martial law was imposed in Pakistan. However, it was twice again that the nation saw generals usurp the reins of the country, not ready to let go thereafter. Praetorianism is an addiction of parasitic generals, who after tasting power once, tend to infect a country with a history of coups. “The most frequent sequel to military coups and government is more of the same…..the aftermath of military intervention is military intervention.” Presently, Pakistan remains the polo grounds of khaki-uniformed soldiers, swaying it according to their own whims. If yesterday the local elites facilitated the colonization of this land, today the military is the conduit of its imperial masters.
In October 1958, as in March 1969, akin to July 1977, it was in October 1999 that Pakistan suffered yet another military regime, this time under General Pervez Musharraf. He is secular and modern as Ayub and yet has been propped up by the right-wing Islamic parties like Zia. In short, Musharraf is stirring a melting pot of Pakistani politics using old-time recipes of his ancestral generals yet adding some new ingredients of his own. The following essay shall analyze the political strategies employed by the present regime, emphasizing its role in undermining democracy in Pakistan.
Pakistan’s 610,000-member military, the world’s eighth largest in 2000, has an annual expenditure of $2.435 billion, nearly 3% of Pakistan’s GDP . For more than half the period of its independence, the country has been subjected to direct military rule. Even in times of democratic governments, military influence has remained a potent force. There are several historical reasons for this. Firstly, the army is commonly perceived as the ‘only viable institution’ in Pakistan. The fact is that the army was the only institution that the British colonizers developed in the subcontinent to maintain their rule. Thus, it remains a colonial legacy in a country that has failed to develop any other institutions. Secondly, the ‘special relationship’ between the peasantry in Punjab and the British Indian army, as asserted by Clive Dewey, continues to be another reason of military dominance. This symbiotic relationship between the ‘great recruiting-grounds’ and the army is the basis of general’s powers since it has cultivated a political culture that is receptive towards an authoritarian military rule. Moreover, the role of the U.S. assistance in incrementing the army’s size, strength and influence is significant. Till 1990, the U.S. allocated about 40% of its assistance package to non-reimbursable credits for military use, the third largest program it pursues. The 11th September terrorist attacks have revived the direct links U.S. had forged with the army, essentially bypassing civilians (Haqqani). Pakistan has therefore once again acquired the position of a U.S.-financed garrison state functioning as the “South Asian terrorist arm” of the U.S. (Ismi).
Persistent praetorianism has undermined democratic values, norms and institutions to take root in Pakistan. Weakening of institutions initiated in Ayub’s era has been ambitiously taken up by his military successors. Under Ayub, the senior civil servants had acquired the secondary position in the government. Hence there was a semblance of a partnership between the civilians and the army. Zia built a creed of politicians who were pro-army. This is exacerbated by the Musharraf regime. He has included technocrats, with no political constituency whatsoever, into his government. This has resulted in the militarization of civilian structures. Moreover, Musharraf has engineered the PML-Q, which has earned the appellation of the “King’s party” because of its unconditional support for him. PML-Q has been leading a ruling coalition controlling both houses of Parliament and the Punjab and Sindh provincial assemblies.
Like past ruling generals, Musharraf too has defaced the Constitution and undermined the rule of law. A ‘constitutional’ role for the army in the higher councils of government has been envisaged in the form of the National Security Council (a civil-military ‘advisory’ body). Power inevitably resides in the person of Musharraf. By bringing officials like the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and the Chiefs of Staff of the Pakistan Army, Navy and Pakistan Air Force in the NSC, he has ensured the supra-parliamentary role of the military- his real power-house.
The façade of political participation is put up through Musharraf’s ‘Real Democracy’ formula. At the provincial level, the governor (although the nominal head of the executive) shares power with the corps commander. However, the direct involvement of the latter in the provincial affairs has resulted in the further widening of the schism between the military-bureaucratic elite and the people. This “devolution of power” further weakens the political parties by uprooting their local power bases, undermining democracy at the very grassroots level. Provincial autonomy, as enshrined in the constitution, remains only in paper and will lead only to greater sentiments of regionalism.
“Accountability” - the pet word of Zia’s regime- had been enthusiastically taken up by Musharraf as well. However, the saga of failure has continued. Musharraf’s attempt to eliminate corruption has finally culminated in re-installing the same corrupt blood to power that had been previously charged by his accountability apparatus. This reverse policy is to quench the General’s insatiable thirst for power gained through the legitimization of his military dictatorship. Musharraf’s referendum for the self-appointed Presidency shows that the army has no intentions of “going back to the barracks”. As the potency of the “doctrine of necessity” as validated by the Supreme Court lost its vigor, the General realized that a referendum allowing for his juggling with the Constitution was needed to secure his position as the president. This idea of a referendum with no candidates is a common feature of the “controlled democracy” religiously followed by Generals in Pakistan since 1958.
The endorsement of the ‘election’ in April 2002 by both the Supreme Court and the Election Commission is disturbing. (This does not come as a surprise since the present judiciary was mainly hand-picked by Musharraf and has been systematically made indebted to him through various softening of policies.) This is despite the fact that the entire basis of the regime is illegitimate. Article 245 prescribes the functions of the armed forces as defense of the nation against external aggression or threat of war and, subject to law, aid-to-the-civil power when called upon. This article is intended to keep the military from acting independently of the elected political leadership in domestic affairs. Clearly, the actions of the past and present military regimes have been contradictory to this indictment of the constitution. Article 244 prescribes the oath taken by the armed forces, including the pledge “not to engage myself in any political activities whatsoever.” Again, the situation at hand belies the ‘sacred document’.
The prolonged debate over the Legal Framework Order (LFO), a package of no less than 29 amendments in the constitution, finally wielded in favor of Musharraf in December 2003. The 17th amendment has fundamentally altered the Constitution vesting most power in the President instead of the elected representatives as ought to be in parliamentary democracies. The amendments give the General power to sack the prime minister, dissolve parliament and also recognize him as both head of the army and head of state. It vastly augments the powers of the president in matters such as appointments of the chiefs of the armed forces, judges of the federal and provincial high courts, the head and members of the Election Commission, governors of the provinces, and legitimizes the National Security Council to be chaired by the president and not the prime minister. Nadeem Syed of The Nation writes: “The president has emerged as a new godfather of the political system, too powerful and awesome for the political institutions to challenge or undermine him.” Furthermore, in a desperate attempt to secure his future, Musharraf incorporated Article 270 A that validates all acts by the government and the laws it has made since October 12, 1999.
As a substitute of a contested election, Musharraf managed to obtain a vote of confidence from the provincial assemblies and national parliament in accordance with the constitution. “But legitimacy is a political, not a technical, matter”, as Haqqani rightly comments. It is not merely about getting the “percentages” right. Undoubtedly, Musharraf did secure 658 votes (56.23%) with simple majority from a total of 1,170 members of parliament and the four assemblies but this was amidst MMA abstention and opposition boycott of the two most popular parties of Pakistan, PPP and PML-N. Moreover, Musharraf’s political project that until now appeared to suppress the secular political opposition while maintaining the Islamists in power has altered yet again. The removal of Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali starkly exposes his sole ambition of maintaining power in his hands while shooting down all opposition. However, the story does not end here since the issue of LFO also means the imposition of the “reforms” that Musharraf introduced on the dictation of U.S., IMF and the World Bank during the past few years. This means that Pakistan is all the more susceptible to imperialist designs.
Oppression by the military, in terms of physical, economic and political damage, has led some to correctly describe it as a “rogue army”. Since the 1999 coup, the Pakistani government has systematically violated the fundamental rights of members of the political opposition and former government officials. Many have been detained without charge, mistreated and tortured, and otherwise denied their basic due process rights. Rena Khan (Punjab provincial legislator) was detained and tortured by the security services in March 2000. In October, PML-N leader Javed Hashmi was charged with sedition.
There is also mistreatment of journalists and suppression of the freedom of press and assembly. The government has banned anti-government public rallies and demonstrations since October 2000. A protester in Okara was even killed by Paramilitary Rangers in May 2002. The three ordinances-the Press Council Ordinance, the Registration Ordinance, and the Defamation Ordinance-further curb freedom of expression. Furthermore, the subjection of scientists, doctors and professionals to humiliating interrogation and detention has been rampant. The denunciation of A Q Khan under U.S. pressure has been a case in point. Furthermore, the involvement of the government in Bush’s “war on terror” has led to a disregard for the rights of suspects through arbitrary arrests. The elections carried out to date, including the referendum and the parliamentary elections, have been reported to be “seriously flawed” by independent observers. Discrimination against religious minorities and inaction on the Hudood Laws persist. Pakistan has experienced an alarming rise in sectarian violence since Musharraf’s takeover. In particular, Sunni extremists, often linked with militant organizations such as Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), have targeted Muslims of the Shite sect.
Besides usurpation of political power and use of coercion, the army has amassed immense economic clout for its own advantage as well. It is the largest landowner in Pakistan such that the country’s landscape is inundated with army garrison’s every 15km and all large towns have a “Defense Housing Society”, occupying the most prized location. This can be traced back to the Raj’s policy during the colonial times, later on furthered by Ayub’s Land Reforms. Musharraf has not remained behind: “A contractual change instituted three years ago transformed the farmers from sharecroppers to renters.” (Lancaster). The case of the Okara farms is one of the obvious manifestations of the military landlords. Aasim Sajjad Akhtar describes this dispute as “a symbol of the resentment people feel about the army's monopolization of power and resources”. The tentacles of its corporate interests probe every sector: in Pakistan, it forms the largest economic investment group, the largest construction network, the largest goods transport system, the largest education network, the largest stockholder, the largest health-marketing group and besides its direct rule, it operates the largest political network through agencies like the ISI and the Military Intelligence (Hussain).
In conclusion, I would like to assert that lack of constitutionalism and the debilitation of democratic institutions, both by the civilian and military authorities have reinforced Pakistan’s praetorian tradition. Like past military generals, Musharraf is not ready to relinquish any power. As the Head of the State, that I am a citizen of, I regard Musharraf as unconstitutional, illegitimate and unethical. The tragedy of the drama that is at play today is that the conduct and contradictions of Pakistan’s fourth military regime point to the probable continuation of this sad political tradition. A government bolstered by a popular mandate and subject to transparent political rules is imperative for political normalcy.
Technical maneuvers, whether involving judicial or legislative endorsement for military rule do not form any basis for constitutional politics nor do they cover the garb of a military-tailored “democracy”. Despite all his attempts, the question of legitimacy shall keep haunting the General. Restoration of national assembly and labeling himself as the “President” does not make him any different from Hosnie Mubarak or Bashar-ul-Asad. All of them win with a margin of no less than 95% of the vote in single candidate referendums but such cosmetic ‘elections’ are in no way democratic. In short, Musharraf hopes to change the label on his military regime, redefining it as a democracy without altering its substance.
Tragically, our politicians have failed us too by accepting the supremacy of armed forces to maintain their own power bases. I believe that the nation’s civilians and intelligentsia must take the responsibility of political activism towards the restoration of democracy by mobilizing the masses. The examples of Suharto in Indonesia and Ayub in Pakistan show that no dictator can remain in power if the masses turn against him. The political chaos in our country today requires urgency in our actions. We must take inspiration from those who have gained freedom from their power-hungry masters.
“I will die like a true-blue rebel. Don't waste any time in mourning – organize.”
- Joe Hill

Works Cited

Adams, Brad. “Return Pakistan to Real Civilian Rule: HRW Letter to General Pervez Musharraf.” Human Rights Watch. October 10, 2003.
http://www.informationtimes.com/newsviews/report03.html. Site accessed in Jul 2004.
Bennet-Jones, Owen. Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. N.p.: Vanguard. 2002.

Dewey, Clive. “The Rural Roots of Pakistani Militarism” in The Political Inheritance of Pakistan. Edited by D.A.Low. London: Macmillan Ltd. 1991.

Hussain, Aijaz. “Pakistan since the Coup.” Socialism Today, Issue 48, June 2000.

Haqqani, Hussain. “Beyond the Army: The Military and Pakistan’s establishment.” May 2002. http://www.csis.org/saprog/020506Haqqani.pdf Site accessed in Jan 2004.

Ismi, Asad. “A U.S.-Financed Military Dictatorship.” The CCPA Monitor, June 2002. www.policyalternatives.ca Site accessed in Jan 2004.

Lancaster, John. “Fighting an Army’s Empire.” Washington Post. June 2003. http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&node=&contentId=A45902-2003Jun28¬Found=true. Site accessed in Jan 2004.

Mozumder, Suman Guha. “Democracy in Pakistan: Players and News.” Oxford Democracy Forum. May 5, 2004. windsofchange.net/archives/004863.php Site accessed in Jul 2004.

Ritcher, W.L. “Persistent Praetorianism: Pakistan’s Third Military Regime.” Pacific Affairs, Vol.51, No.3 (Autumn 1978), 406-426. www.jstor.org . Site accessed in Jan 2004.

Solidarity With Pakistan Which Mourns Her Martyrs

2004-07-13T05:35:00.000-07:00

---NACAZAI Position Statement

Around the world the price of blood has been paid by
Communist, Leftist, and Worker-based forces in their
common struggle for social justice. May the red flag
always be held high! In this respect, Pakistan is no
different. Its people are demanding self-determination
and freedom from imperialist tyranny, not simply on
paper, its bastardized form and the ruse of liberal
reformism, but for true economic and social justice in
practice.

The fraternal Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party (CMKP),
has informed the world that recently the entire
progressive and anti-imperialist spectrum have come
together on the occasion of honoring its martyred
comrades who gave their lives during the historic,
popular-based land reform clashes in the 1970s. On
this occasion, we of the North American Committee
Against Zionism and Imperialism wish to convey our
deepest respect to the CMKP and various other forces
while congratulating them for their spirited efforts
aimed at building a secular, democratic, and
anti-imperialist front against all enemies of the
anti-imperialist class struggle.

We see that imperialism is showing an ever-crafty and
militaristic face that is aimed at liquidating all
independence forces. In the midst of this, we hear
with great enthusiasm of the work that our Pakistani
comrades, led by militant left-wing organizations, are
engaging in so as to unite the whole of Pakistan –
including those living under the threat of tribal
unrest. This work undertaken by our comrades correctly
aims to bring about an end to all suffering that
attempts to crush the toiling masses, from the ills of
foreign imperialism to more localized feudalism.

As in all areas of the world, the ground shakes below
the ruling class of Pakistan when the people gather as
one to denounce the imperialist, its dictatorial
anti-worker policies, and its puppets within the
developing world.

We call upon all anti-imperialist forces within the
United States to denounce all repressive and
undemocratic actions aimed at suppressing the
revolutionary measures needed for the liberation of
the Pakistani masses. Furthermore, we thank the CMKP
for bringing international exposure to such ills and
for providing an unwavering example to the
international Left as it shakes off revisionism and
fights for true freedom. Let us all vow to strengthen
fraternal ties with the people of Pakistan, turned out
as one, in struggle.

Central Committee of the North American Committee
Against Zionism and Imperialism
http://irsn.jeeran.com

CMKP at Young Leaders Conference International

2004-07-04T05:38:00.000-07:00

CMKP Punjab president was invited to a panel discussion on the topic ‘Geo-politics in the world today’ at the Young Leaders Conference International. Along with the CMKP were invited representatives of the major political parties of Pakistan and a spokesman of the government. Farooq Sattar was representing the MQM, Taj Haider was representing the peoples party, Jehangir Rahman of the Tehrik e Insaaf, Barrister Bacha former member of the ANP, and Niaz Siddique Inspector General of police and Chief Instructor at NIPA representing the government were also present at the panel discussion. Some 210 students from all over the country were present at the conference. It was a well covered media event.

Initially students were was quite pro-Musharraf chanting slogans in favour of the government. Main stream politicians were being very diplomatic and stating their point of view in a very round about manner. In this country even powerful politicians become fearful at the thought of crossing swords with the military especially on a public forum. Such open criticism is never without its costs.

The CMKP Punjab President lambasted the string of military dictatorships that Pakistan has experienced in its brief history of 57 years as the root cause of the crisis in the country today. ‘The completely undemocratic dismissal of Jamali and the complete authoritarian control of the military should leave no one in doubt about whether Pakistan is a military dictatorship or a democracy’ he said. He also spoke about the history of politics in Pakistan and how the 1968 consensus for a democratic secular constitutional welfare state that found its _expression in the PPP was demolished not only by the military from without but also by the progressive de-radicalization and corruption of the PPP in the last two decades. By the end of the speech the mood had decidedly shifted against the military and people began to applaud at the defense of democratic principles in relation to military rule by the CMKP.

The visible change in the mood of the audience had an immediate impact on the other mainstream politicians as well and they also began to critique the military with greater vigor. After the panel discussion Imran Khan of the tehrik e Insaaf also spoke against military dictatorship further strengthening the case for an end to military rule. During the break students more or less completely ignored the mainstream political leaders and flocked to the CMKP representative to ask questions about socialism and communism in Pakistan. In fact, the CMKP representative was asked to stay on and give another talk since students had expressed so much interest.

On the whole, the most significant aspect of this event was the fact that the CMKP was invited on a basis of equality with the mainstream parties of Pakistan (despite the fact that the CMKP does not have members in parliament). This was in recognition of the fact that the CMKP is clearly emerging as a force. The strength of our party is in its advanced theory that allows a smaller party to appear larger than life and over-shadow mainstream politicians who are altogether ignorant of Marxism-Leninism. We have every reason to feel proud of our accomplishments not because we desire any kind of bourgeois respectability but because when a party is visibly growing it automatically begins to command respect from its competitors and foes alike.

Communism is not a fringe movement destined to occupy a tiny minority opinion.

Communism is the movement of the vast majority of the oppressed

Communism is the future of humanity and therefore must be brought back onto the agenda of the day.

Today the CMKP took another small step in that direction.

Martyrs Day

2004-07-04T05:37:00.000-07:00

July 3rd is commemorated in CMKP traditions as Martyrs’ Day. This day typically denotes the martyrdom of our beloved and honorable comrades in Hasht Nagar (Charsadda, Pakhtunkhua) in 1971, who fought valiantly against the landlords trying to forcefully appropriate land from the farmers using military might. However, according to CMKP traditions, Martyrs’ Day is not confined to simply reminiscence the martyrs of 1971 and the colossal sacrifices that they bequeathed to the Communist movement in Pakistan, but it is also expended to pay glaring tributes to the comrades who have lost their lives for the movement, for the cause of a communist revolution in Pakistan.

The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party celebrated Martyrs’ Day in Hasht Nagar, the sole Communist bastion in Pakistan. The proceedings consisted of a procession that originated from Shalem Chowk (an intersection between four villages) and culminated at Mandani, where a public meeting ensued. The procession started at about four p.m., and attracted party cadres and supporters from all across the villages of Hasht Nagar, including Shakoor and Khanjeri. The procession consisted, apart from a number of pedestrians and cycle-riders, more than 120 trucks that were laden with party cadres and followers. The procession was marked with the red flags of party in every truck, red caps worn by a number of people, red batons, and red head bands. After traveling for more than three kilometers, the procession reached Mandani in about an hour: the duration of this short travel was elongated due to the sheer massive number of people in the procession.

The public meeting was organized opposite the graveyard in Mandani. By the time the meeting started, there were more than 3500 people gathered inside and outside the tent, with more people still trying to get a peek at the proceedings. Apart from the local leadership and support base of the CMKP in Pakhtunkhua, representatives from the CMKP Punjab were also present at the occasion.

Speaking at the occasion, CMKP leaders paid glowing tributes to the movement and the martyrs of Hasht Nagar in particular, and Pakistan in general. Speeches were made against feudalism, capitalism, imperialism and the military dictatorship in Pakistan. The CMKP leadership vehemently denounced the abusive nature and retrogressive role in Pakistani politics of the Pakistan Army and its pawns. The CMKP also criticized the recent cosmetic change in the federal government in Pakistan, and opposed the installation of Shaukat Aziz as another step towards the completion of the neo-liberal agenda of global imperialist domination, and the further perpetration of capitalist ruthlessness into the lives of the proletariat and peasantry. The CMKP leadership emphasized the need for a socialist revolution to emancipate the proletarian and peasantry from the shackles of this manipulative system.

We Hail the Sacrifice of our Martyrs.
We salute those who fought for the proletariat and peasantry.
We vow to continue the glowing tradition of our martyrs.
We Stand United under the Surkh Parcham.

Long Live Revolution!!
Long Live Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party!!
Inquilaab Zindabad!!

Iraq Demonstration against False Handover

2004-07-01T05:42:00.000-07:00

PRESS STATEMENT
Lahore, 30th June 2004 – A protest demonstration was organized here outside the Lahore Press Club on the occasion of the original date for the so-called “handover” of power from the United States to the “sovereign” interim government of Iraq. Students, teachers, katchi abadi dwellers, and numerous other groups decried the June 30th exercise a charade, condemning the fact that the “handover” actually took place two days early to stifle protest. The protestors asserted that the US imperial agenda continued uninterrupted as over 100,000 American troops till occupy the country and American capital continues to dominate the country’s economic “reconstruction”.

Speaking on the occasion, Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party Punjab President condemned the hypocrisy of empire, claiming to “liberate” the Iraq people and colonizing them instead. He said that the heroic resistance of the Iraqi people should inspire similar resistance in crony states such as Pakistan where the ruling class has shamelessly pursued an imperialist and dictatorial agenda despite the fact that ordinary people are completely opposed to such policies. He pointed out the criminal actions of the present government in WANA and demanded an immediate pull out of the area and a halt to the policy of supporting the US in its empire-building endeavours.

Farooq Tariq of the Labour Party Pakistan pointed out that in states such as Pakistan where the elite is willing to do the bidding of the US, direct intervention is not necessary as has happened in Afghanistan and Iraq. However, there is no fundamental difference whether capitalist expansion takes place through military intervention or through pliant elite as the end result is still the denial of the rights of ordinary people. He expressed solidarity with the millions of protestors worldwide who are challenging the legitimacy of the US occupation in Iraq, and urged this global wave of protest to extend further to truly shake the imperialist and capitalist powers to their foundation.

Aasim Sajjad of the People’s Rights Movement (PRM) asserted that it is imperative to link working class struggles to the anti-imperialist agenda. He strongly condemned the recent “change” in Pakistan’s cabinet suggesting that the antics of the ruling elite in Pakistan resemble the farcical “handover” of power in Iraq. He reiterated that without working class resistance to the imperialist and capitalist agenda worldwide, there would be no way of stopping the onslaught. In this regard, he congratulated ongoing working class movements within Pakistan for opposing the forces of imperialism and dictatorship although he lamented the powerlessness of the mainstream opposition in this regard.

Other speakers such as Zahid Anjum of the All-Pakistan Alliance for Katchi Abadis also spoke on the occasion. All present resolved to build a genuine working class movement of katchi abadi dwellers, students, workers, and the like.

Dismissal of the PM

2004-06-27T05:44:00.000-07:00

Once again the military has destroyed any chance of the development of civilian bourgeois democracy in the country. The resignation of Mir Zafarullah Jamali is nothing but the forced resignation of the Prime Minister through various backdoor channels by the military. Chaudhry Shujaat and his lackeys have been maneuvering for quite sometime to gain full control over not only the Muslim League but also the seat of the Prime Minister. The motivation of the Shujaat group was nothing other than personal gain and at the expense of the tax paying people of this country. There is no real political difference at all between the Jamali faction and the Shujaat faction. Both were loyal stooges of the army. There was no difference over the LFO, the National Security Council, budget, foreign policy, defending the right of Musharraf to continue with his presidential and military powers and so on. It was purely gain gain and nothing but gain that explains this conflict.

But what explains Musharraf’s decision to get rid of Jamali? Is it any surprise that this military that has dismissed 18 out of 19 politicians (and the only one they could not dismiss owing to his vast popularity was hanged after a mock trial) would now get rid of the 20th. Some think that Communist or revolutionary politics in this country is banned. I beg to differ. All civilian politics in this country are banned. The only politics that are permissible are those of polishing the boots of the army. No tin pot military dictator could have asked for a more compliant and subservient stooge as Mir Zafrullah Khan Jamali. He never crossed, never challenged, and never even raised a question about Musharraf’s “leadership”. Yet, this loyalist of the loyal was given the royal boot in the most odious manner imaginable. Not only was he told to resign at a private party (one would assume that the least one could do is not ruin the evening) but he was further made to ridicule himself in a press conference by saying that he was simply not worthy of his post.

And now Mr. Shaukat Aziz is being hailed as the beacon of hope for the future of Pakistan. This neo-liberal does not even have a constituency let alone be elected to the post of Prime Minister by the majority of the people of Pakistan. But his best constituency is the General Musharraf himself. Since the general has said he will be the next Prime Minister that is what will be. No questions asked.

One really is left to wonder whether General Musharraf is mentally sick, deranged, or just plain stupid? The least he could have done is made some flimsy looking excuse to hoodwink the people into thinking that some semblance of a democratic process still exists in the country. It seems he is so intoxicated by his own power that he feels he can make any change and that the entire country will have to obey his every whim.

It won’t be long before the people of Pakistan rise up and claim what rightfully belongs to them.

Down with US Imperialism and their Tin Pot Dictators
Long Live Revolutionary Peoples Democracy
Communist Workers and Peasants Party Pakistan

Punjab Secretary PMKP Joins CMKP

2004-06-22T05:45:00.000-07:00

On the 21st of June 2004, the PMKP General Secretary of Punjab
officially joined the CMKP in a public meeting held in Patoki, Kasur. The meeting was attended by central committee members of the CMKP and local CMKP and PMKP cadres.

The unit of Patoki under the leadership of the former PMKP General
Secretary Punjab officially joined the CMKP and was embraced with
open arms by all members of our party. With this cross over the units of students, bonded labour, party cadres, and manufacturing workers associated with that unit have also crossed over to the CMKP making a significant contribution to our strength.

His letter of resignation was read publicly in the meeting. When he
was asked how he felt about the last year of internal struggle he
responded:

"The party is my home, it is my family. I can never leave my home or
my family. I feel that I took a temporary detour owing to
misunderstandings created by conspiratorial elements and now I have
returned home."

This ceremony filled CMKP cadres with a sense of new pride in their
correct struggle to defend Marxism-Leninism, Communism and the Hammer and Sickle. CMKP has won over a clear majority of cadres. The former PMKP gen. sec. has also been able to provide the CMKP with vital information about the internal contradictions within his former faction of the party. It is very clear from all signs that the PMKP is on the verge of an implosion. A window to cross over has been opened, it is inevitable that with the implosion of the rightists, party unity will be fully restored.

Long live the CMKP

On the Question of Czechoslovakia

2004-06-18T05:50:00.000-07:00

Hussain Ahmed

‘…Democratization of the economy includes in
particular the realization of the independence of
enterprises and enterprise groupings and their
relative independence of state bodies ... the right
and real possibility of different groups of working
people and different social groups to formulate and
defend their economic interests in creating the
economic policy...’

- The Action Program; excerpt from the Reform
Program of Czechoslovak Communist Party[1]

Such was the state of the theoretical deviation of
the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CCP) that
capitalism was being propagated and restored in such
blatant terms in Czechoslovakia. The Soviet invasion
of Czechoslovakia in 1968 was a measure to defy the
counter-revolutionary acts of the Czechoslovak
government under Dubcek.

Having stated the counter-revolutionary nature of
proceedings in Czechoslovakia, the details of which
shall be elucidated upon below, it is imperative to
assess how the CCP managed to instill the antithesis
of socialist economy in Czechoslovakia.
Czechoslovakia provides a classical example of the
failure of both the policy of de-Stalinization under
Khrushchev and the cosmetic policy of
neo-Stalinization under Kosygin and Brezhnev. The
iron-fist that Stalin used to implement socialism
across the Soviet Union was thawed out by both these
polices, and hence began the gradual deterioration
and dissolution of the SU. The seeds of the return
to capitalism had already been laid in the mid-1960s
by the Lieberman Reforms that significantly reduced
the jurisdiction of the state planning commission
Gosplan. Czechoslovakia moved swiftly under the
leadership of Antonin Novotny to implement reform.
However, external pressure and security dangers
forced Novotny to back down on reform in 1967. This
move was severely criticized by the reformist
leader of the Slovak Communist Party Alexander
Dubcek, and the deadlock paved the way for Brezhnev
to provide tacit approval to Dubcek’s policies.
Hence, Dubcek replaced Novotny as the head of the
CCP. Further, the mixed economy strategy termed ‘New
Economic Mechanism’ (NEM) that was adopted in
January 1968 by the Kremlin provided a façade to the
Czechoslovak leadership that the ailing economic
performance of Czechoslovakia would drastically
improve if the NEM was adopted. Reformist measures
implemented by Dubcek were intended to cater to the
bourgeois class, especially the clique of bourgeois
intelligentsia that wrested political control under
Dubcek, reversing the trend that had been set since
1948 when the bourgeois class lost political
control.

‘…the whole struggle of the bourgeois
intelligentsia, especially the technical
intelligentsia, is to sabotage the further socialist
growth and development of the basic means of
production and to slowly dismantle them, fragment by
fragment, using one deceptive device after another
to fool the workers’[2].

Amid this rapid transformation of Czechoslovakia to
capitalism, the Kremlin finally realized that the
geo-strategic position of Czechoslovakia and its
progressively analogous societal fabric would serve
to disintegrate the Soviet Union. Though Dubcek
participated in meetings of Comecon and the Warsaw
Pact, committing his loyalty to both pacts, the
Kremlin decided to invade and occupy Czechoslovakia
under the flagship of the Warsaw Pact, and hence put
an end to the counter-revolution that had brewed.
Prague was captured on August 20-21, 1968.

It can be argued that the Czechoslovakia reserved
the democratic right to dissent from the mainstream
Soviet political policy from within the platform of
the CCP, and furthermore to secede from the Soviet
bloc altogether if it wished to do so. True that
Dubcek was supported by Khrushchev and Brezhnev, but
the underline underpinning of socialism was being
revised in the first place. Unfortunately,
Czechoslovakia might have been undone by the
vacillation in Soviet policy of de-Stalinization and
neo-Stalinization. Democracy entails that the
fundamental rights of others must not be impinged.
Under the policies of democratization and
liberalization, the principle of socialist
internationalism was being defied. Class antagonisms
had arisen with the bourgeoisie gaining advantages
over the workers. This had raised the opposition to
Novotny. He was attacked at various forums,
including the Writers Union Congress in June 1967
and the Communist leaders’ meeting in Warsaw in July
1968. As part
of Comecon, Czechoslovakia had to obey and respect
the fundamental tenets of Comecon. The SU used the
pretext that Czechoslovakia issued statements such
as ‘…Cooperation of Czechoslovakia with capitalist
countries is not influenced by interference from
COMECON as a whole or from individual states...’ and
further ‘We are examining the possibility of joining
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund’
as evidence of Czechoslovak indifference and
deviance from socialist principles.

The question on the Czechoslovak democratic right to
differ has already been explained above, while the
question of autonomy will be dealt with in this
section.

While the tenets of Marxism-Leninism maintain the
right of a nation to secede, it is worth expounding
upon the definition of a nation, and the conditions
under which the National Question applies. We must
therefore consider Stalin’s work ‘Marxism and the
National Question’ to answer this question of
conflict. Under the accepted definition of nation
put forth by Stalin in the work cited above, we can
clearly grasp the fact that the people of
Czechoslovakia were not one nation. This fact can be
substantiated with the fact that after the
disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Czechs and
Slovaks formed separate states viz Czech Republic
and Slovakia. Stalin made the fundamental
differentiation of organization of labor:
international class organization based on
transnational solidarity, and that of the
‘organizational "demarcation" of the workers
according to nationalities’. Clearly, the case of
Czechoslovakia proved a case for rallying masses
around the principle of nationality, and not
of international solidarity. Stalin maintained that
the ‘the principle of international solidarity of
the workers is an essential element in the solution
of the national question’. This element was not
catered to in its truest sense, and was hence one of
the most crucial aspects of the counter-revolution
in Czechoslovakia.

---------------------------------

[1]
http://www.workers.org/marcy/cd/samczech/czech/czech02.htm

[2]
http://www.workers.org/marcy/cd/samczech/czech/czech02.htm

Disintegration of PMKP - Letter from Deputry Secretary

2004-06-17T06:06:00.000-07:00

Secretary General,
Pakistan Mazdoor Kissan Party

After intense debate and regular discussion with my fellow comrades, I have been forced to write this letter to you. I am sure that many of my fellow party members share the same concerns as I do. It is another thing that in this epoch of intense crisis, they do not openly discuss matters with you. And if they do, then their sentiments are not conveyed to us. The following questions that I am about to plead require your immediate attention:

1. On February 20th, after our Seminar held in Rawalpindi Press Club, I was talking to you when Jawala Mukhi accosted us. I did not address him. But he intervened in our conversation without any reason, and hurled abuses at our great leaders Major Ishaq Mohammed (late), Ghulam Nabi Kalu (late) as well as the Pakistan Mazdoor Kissan Party. When I instructed him to stop this behavior, he tried to physically assault me. The entire scenario was played in front of your own eyes, but you did not dare to stop him. I am sure that all this happened with your consent and encouragement, as you did not even ask him to stop as a matter of formality.

2. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! Jawala Mukhi is not our problem. Our sole problem is you. We donÃ¢â‚¬â„¢t have any sort of feud with Jawala Mukhi. It has been brought to my notice that the young man is a budding intellectual, and one who dedicates most of his time to his penchant for revolutionary activity. His aged father had also been victimized during the brutal days of military dictatorship. That's why we genuinely feel compassionate towards the young man. But we have reached the conclusion that instead of grooming Jawala Mukhi and channeling his efforts into the right direction, you are busy in creating a thug who could be utilized to suit your own specific motives, and thus you are creating divisions within the party, however unintentional or intentional that may be.

3. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld), we have come to realize that (CMKP Punjab President) has completely demoralized you. (CMKP Punjab President) was successful in completely alienating you at the Lahore level. At the Provincial Committee meeting at (PC Member Ã¢â‚¬â€œ Name withheld) residence in Kasur, you had admitted yourself that you had started from square one in Lahore, and had now managed to inaugurate seven new cells in Lahore. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld), threatening the opposition with death threats and immoral slandering cannot achieve political victories. We feel that in these situations, it is imperative to initiate a process of critique and self-critique.

4. Comrade (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! We reserve the right to ask you when and on which forum did the MKP form an alliance with Inqilaabi Jadojehad. If any such decision has taken place in the Central Committee or the National Council, we should be provided with a written copy of the decision. Excuse us comrade, but you are running the entire party at your personal behest, or even spoiling it. Pakistan Mazdoor Kissan Party is being turned into a subservient party of the Inqilaabi Jadojehad. The Surkh Parcham dated March 2004, and distributed on 2nd April 2004, is testament to the fact that the banner Inqilaabi Jadojehad has always been much higher than the one of Mazdoor Kissan Party. It seems as if through your attempts, the Inqilaabi Jadojehad has hijacked the Pakistan Pazdoor Kissan Party created by Major Ishaq Mohammed.

5. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld), you will now argue that the Inqilaabi Jadojehad has formally merged into the MKP. Sir, this concoction has been made more than once. If indeed the formal merger has taken place, then why has the separate entity of Inqilaabi Jadojehad been super-imposed on the MKP in the Surkh Parcham? Mr. General Secretary, I must remind you that according to the party constitution, there exists an established formal procedure of induction of new members, which of course you must be aware of having occupied such a vital office-bearing position in the party. No new member can be inducted into the party without the recommendation of two formal party cadres. Therefore, you do not reserve the right to induct any new members into the party according to your whims and desires for the completion of your motives, and impose them on the party. If indeed you have become so powerful so as so perform such a duty, then you are free to convert the Jamaat-i-Islami and Anjuman Ulama-e-Islam (Society of Muslim Clerics) into Mazdoor Kissan Party.

6. Along with another 27 members, we reached Jaranwalla Faisalabad to commemorate the death anniversary of our great leader Major Ishaq Mohammad (late). Very slyly, you instructed Jawala Mukhi to apologize to us. We thought that perhaps the apology was sincere. However, subsequently all your actions proved otherwise, and indicated that the apology was presented so that we would not reveal your misdemeanors to the party. In spite of being General Secretary of the party, you were absent most of the time from stage (apart from the time when you delivered your speech). It appeared as if you had plotted a conspiracy against the party and party leadership long with the young fellows from Inqilaabi Jadojehad.

You would listen to selected personnel's speeches from stage, while completely boycotting the others and would simply aimlessly wonder
about during that time. Your protege Jawala Mukhi lifted his
shoes and pointed them in public in his speech. This also has to be
attributed to you. Respected comrade, it is our humble appeal to you to not use these young and innocent men to achieve your own selfish motives.

Rather than channeling their enthusiasm towards genuine class struggle, please do not make them a cause to create a rift and discontent among the party leadership and cadres. If you quit treading upon your fatal policy of utilizing these men for ulterior motives, then these young men can in future prove to be a valuable asset for our revolutionary struggle. While you pretend to be their patron, you are setting these men up for disaster. It is your responsibility to clarify this issue.

7. Comrade Secretary! I have to say this with extreme regret that in spite of holding such an important office bearing position, you have not worked in accordance with the decisions taken by the organizations of the party and discipline under the party platform. It has been over a year since the last Congress. You have not sent out a single circular regarding the decisions and recommendations taken by the Central Committee or National Council. The party has undergone, and is still undergoing a severe crisis, and your Central Secretariat has been unable to send recommendations or instructions for guidance to its party cadres or units.

The lying and sly opponents have carried out propaganda on such a large scale, but you have not budged an inch. What is all this? What exactly do you want? Let me make one thing very clear Mr. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld). Accepted that you are a bright, intelligent and educated intellectual whose qualities can be extremely beneficial to the party, but don't forget that there were many more intellectuals much brighter than you to have graced this party. These men very cleverly tried to split the party. Remember Dr. Feroz Ahmed, Dr. Iqbal Ahmed and Dr, Ijaz Ahmed? Where are these people today? The party has survived through such an intense period of turmoil, and will continue to do so. Men are not indispensable. Revolution is inevitable. Hence, a revolutionary party is also imperative.

8. Respected (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! A few months ago, in the Provincial Meeting held in Kasur, you were requested to involve members of the Provincial Committee and members of the Central Committee from Punjab in organizational tours undertaken within Punjab. But it appears that you do not heed to any advice. The members of the Punjab Committee were nominated by yourself, so why this need for keeping them aloof from yourself? In reality, you are intentionally keeping them away from the party. Your real motives for that remain incomprehensible. You take Jawala Mukhi on every trip, while using him, you are instigating a plethora of hate and rife within the party. We believe that you are using Jawala Mukhi to achieve your won objectives. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! This party has previously been attacked both from within and without. Outstanding men laid its foundations, and hence it has been able to survive. Otherwise, as you know, large Marxist organizations have disintegrated and dissolved. Perhaps the political training that you have received has taught you the politics of conspiratorial maneuverings. But (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! Our experienced comrades have borne many hardships. That is why there understanding is very advanced. It is our heart felt desire that your superlative abilities be utilized for the construction of the party. But we will not let you do as you please. You will have to obey party discipline. Many great individuals have given their lives and have borne tremendous hardship for the construction of this party.

9. (Gen. Sec. PMKP - name withheld)! It is your responsibility to answer all these questions. My questions and objections should be brought forward in the next Punjab Committee meeting. Further, I should be allowed to present my objections and questions directly to the Central Committee.

Your Comrade,
(Name Withheld)
President MKP, Gujrat
Deputy Secretary General Punjab

Hands off Fatehyab

2004-06-17T05:53:00.000-07:00

Comrade Fatehyab Ali Khan has been evicted from Pakhtunkhwa province. This is a clear violation of the rights of all political parties to conduct their political activities. At this point we cannot establish telephone contact with cmkp comrades in Hashtnagar. We could also not establish phone contact with Fatehyab. I suspect that phone lines are cut or under supervision.

We are in firm revolutionary solidarity with our fraternal party MKP (fatehyab) and the CMKP and the MKP (Fatehyab) will struggle jointly against this state repression. The communist left is the only genuine force in the country that can eliminate imperialism from this country.

(note for foreign readers who might get confused)

The MKP (Fatehyab) split from our party in 1977. The CMKP and the MKP (Fatehyab) are in a provincial alliance in Pakhtunkhwa (NWFP) for the defence of the Hashtnagar peasants. And have also been holding talks for a national level united front. The MKP (Fatehyab) is not be confused with MKP (Khamosh). The latter is allied to Sherpao and obviously has no problems coming in and out of his province.

Long live the revolutionary unity of the Communists

Hujra comrades join CMKP

2004-06-14T05:56:00.000-07:00

On the 12th and 13th of June two cc members and secretary lahore visited Dipalpur and Hujrah Shah Muqim respectively. After holding extensive meetings with both these units that were formerly with the right opportunist line within the party, both units promised to work closely with the CMKP. During these meetings the disinformation that was provided to these units was systematically discussed. These units themselves expressed their unwillingness to collaborate in any way with the military or with any of its stooges. They furthermore stressed the need for boldly defending communism and the hammer and sickle. And expressed apprehension at the anti-communist trends visible in the recent pamphlets of the right opportunist tendency.

Previously Hujrah Shah Muqim was considered a stronghold of the ROL. The pledge on the part of these units to work with the cmkp is, therefore, not an ordinary victory. It shows that the right opportunist line is disintegrating and the units of the party are returning to the fold of the cmkp one after the other.

In addition to this significant step forward, the cmkp is setting up a new unit in Islamabad Rawalpindi. A daily study circle is being conducted to educate new workers. In addition to the new unit, the grass roots activists of the right opportunist line have also pledged that they will work closely with the cmkp unit. The Pindi party had been kept largely in the dark about the collaboration of the top leadership with the military. As this news is becoming common knowledge the grassroots activists are forced to reconsider their earlier opinions.

Next week we have been invited by Gujrat party to inaugurate a new unit of the cmkp.

Given this domino effect we think nearly the entire party will be reunited in a short period of time behind the banner of Communism and the hammer and sickle.

The Palestine Conflict

2004-06-09T06:17:00.000-07:00

By Maria Khan

The Middle Eastern region of the world is a geo-political unity, entwined in the grip of imperialism. Similar to all backward countries controlled by imperialism, the states of the region display pre-capitalist relations of production coexisting with the most advanced forms of capitalist production. However, the region primarily remains an oil supplier for the developed capitalist states since any progressive industrialization is prevented by the monopolies ruling over the global market.
Undoubtedly, the United States has become the dominant imperialist country in the region. American imperialism mainly prevails through the agency of local ruling classes, the local bourgeoisie (although military intervention is always a possible substitute). As capitalism took roots in the Arab states, it inevitably gave rise to a capitalist class strongly integrated with the feudal landowners and foreign imperialists. Simultaneously, the proletariat was formed by the pauperized peasants and artisans bearing the burden of the capitalist interests of the bourgeoisie. Hence, the Arab bourgeoisie itself became the main instrument of exploitation because of its economic and political dependence on the imperialists and the fear of the proletariat. The most extreme examples of such semi-colonial states are Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates.
In light of the above scenario, it can be inferred that the Arab bourgeoisie lacks the ability of heralding a bourgeois-democratic revolution i.e. “the destruction of the political and social influence of imperialism, the abolitions of the feudal survivals in the countryside, industrialization, national unity and political democracy.” (The Palestinian Question and the Struggle for Socialism in the ME, 2001). Its futile attempts to unify the divided region were in the form of the Arab League, the Egyptian-Syrian unity, etc. Moreover, the 1991 Gulf War, Iran-Iraq War and the recent Iraq War prove that the Arab countries are essentially divided on the lines of imperialism and that the local bourgeoisie does not have the will to break this status quo. Thus, the task of unification must devolve to the proletariat.
It was in this volatile region of Middle East that Israel was conceived by imperialist Britain and is nourished by U.S. to further their “strategic interests”: hence, the Zionist settlement in the heart of the Palestinian local population. The Arab bourgeoisie plays on the mass movements targeted against Zionism to portray Israel as the ‘common enemy’, thus camouflaging the fact that Zionism is not the only factor which furthers the imperialist control of the region – another being the local ruling classes themselves. This paper attempts to establish the parasitic existence of both these classes, sucking the life out of the proper owners of the land they dwell upon.
It follows that in spite of the antagonism between the Zionist and the Arab bourgeoisies and the preferential treatment given by imperialists to the latter, both share a common interest: preventing the outbreak of a social revolution in the Middle East (witnessed by their collaboration in Jordan in 1970, in Lebanon in 1976, etc).
To understand Zionism, it becomes imperative to trace its roots to its formative years. Zionism developed in Europe as a result of anti-Semitism which was in turn produced by the decomposition of capitalism in its imperialist stage, reaching its barbaric apogee` in the Holocaust. It was in fact the bourgeois solution to the Jewish problem which presented modern anti-Semitism not as a product of capitalist decay but as an inherent characteristic of the gentiles. Thus, the proposal was not the abolition of capitalism through a socialist revolution but the migration of Jews to Palestine with the aid of the imperialist powers who viewed this solution as ‘good riddance’.
Therefore, it must be explicitly stated that Zionism is not a national liberation movement. It is in fact an ally of imperialism, systematically expropriating the Palestinians from their lands and excluding them from places of work. Starting from the expulsion of more than 800,000 Palestinians during the “Independence War” of 1948, Israel has had an outstanding record of wars, ethnic cleansing and racism. It follows that the Palestinians are victims of a rather different form of oppression: unlike most oppressed classes, they are not only exploited by the national but also by the Zionist bourgeoisie.
What about the Zionist proletariat? The large amount of aid received from imperialist states has created a parasitic social stratum (composed of the army and the state administration) within Israel which has a direct interest in the continuation of the present policies. But the Jewish workers (excepting perhaps the top-most strata) have no real interest in the existence of the Israeli state. The primary reasons for their traditional support for Zionism has been their co-optation through the Histadrut (“a fake trade union”(Challenge#67, 2001)), the ethnic divisions within the working class, and the absence of a political organization that can integrate their class demands with the democratic demands of the Palestinian masses. The so-called “globalization” has ensued unprecedented levels of unemployment not only outside but also within Israel. At the bottom-end of it are the Arab workers both in Israel and in the territories: a startling 60% of the population of the West Bank and Gaza is unemployed.
The Oslo agreements that awarded the transfer of power of a mere 20% of historic Palestine to the Palestinian Liberation Organization were a ray of hope. In reciprocation, the Palestinians were required to recognize Israel as the main power in the region. Subsequently, the West Bank and Gaza were further divided and re-divided, establishing an Apartheid regime over a number of Bantustans under Zionist control. The PLO replaced its slogan of a democratic and secular republic in the whole territory of Palestine by the program of the Zionist leftist and Stalinism: “two countries for two peoples”. Hope for any immediate success withered away. The PLO stance not only discounted the existence of those Palestinians living under Jewish control, but also represented a renunciation of the right of return of the 3.5 million Palestinian refugees to their homeland.
The Palestinian leaders shifted their line of argument from a struggle with Israel against the theft of land and resources to a psychological problem: “changing the image one has of the other, building trust and cooperation, creating a culture of peace and friendship.” (Efrat, 2001). It soon became apparent, however, that the “Information Revolution” did not mitigate the tyranny of capitalism. Instead of minimizing the economic gaps through “globalization-for-all”, it has led to the further marginalization of the have-nots. Accordingly, in terms of Israel and the Occupied Territories, the Israeli economy has been integrated into the global system resulting in its growth by leaps and bounds; while the Palestinian side is further debilitated, the standard of living declining by 30%. The thriving Israeli economy today depends on two factors: the export of day-labor and donations from the imperialists. It is now evidently clear that the notion of achieving an independent Palestinian state “once the PLO establishes itself as the Palestinian Authority” is not viable. The Oslo Accords were indeed a design of the imperialists who aimed to liquidate the Palestinian question by recognizing the PLO and giving it token power. The present Intifada is the result of the rebellion of the masses against this entire process.
The global capitalist order is such that the bourgeoisie sells the interests of the majority in order to increase its monopoly and to further its own interests. “The national project turns into that of a single class.” A religious façade is donned when necessary. In these circumstances, the idea of a viable independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip is inconceivable. This is not only perpetuated by international capitalism, but also by the arrogant Zionist attitude towards the Palestinians. This is inherent in the Oslo Accords, “an agreement that Israel made not with the Palestinian people, rather with its co-opted bourgeoisie.” The Israeli continue to view Palestine as a mere protectorate – a pool of cheap labor and a market for selling their goods. Israel would not bear to have a real Palestinian state next door. “Real” in terms of its economic independence and strength so much so that it departs from Israel’s orbit of influence (Efrat, 2001).
Thus, the two-state solution is not only denounced by the Palestinians but it is not supported by the Israeli bourgeoisie either. The alternative solution of a weak Palestinian pseudo-state is also unreasonable because such a state cannot possibly thrive in peaceful co-existence beside a nation more highly developed than all others in the region. In other words, an independent Palestine cannot co-exist with a capitalist Israel.
If the solution is neither peace nor war, where then shall we find it? It is best to understand the political and economic processes that exist in the region. The collapse of the Soviet Union led the leaders of the new world order to conclude that the international working class would be at their feet, for them to savagely exploit. This delusion was dispelled at the end of nineties when “the aggressive brand of capitalism…suffered setbacks”(Efrat, 2001). Conflicts of interest between Japan and the U.S., between the U.S. and Russia, as well as difficulties in stabilizing the Middle East, all show that the world capitalists have reached that point where competition is unavoidable. This brings to mind the colonial powers of the last century that kept peace with each other as long as there was territory available to colonize. It was the unavailability and eventually the head-on competition that became the harbinger of the World War. The first victims of such competition are always the poor, the destitute, those at the lowest ebb of the economic structure. As the market shrinks, and as smaller countries like Saudi Arabia increase their demands, the conflicts among the big capitalist powers gain momentum until they explode into wars. Such differences take expression in regional or ethnic conflicts. Already there is considerable unease felt towards the aggressive attitude of the U.S. bent to maintain its super dominant status.
This New World Order was far from obvious when the Oslo accords were initially signed but it should be explicitly clear now, that within the global capitalist system as it stands today, the Palestinians belong to the group of poverty-stricken peoples of Latin America, Asia and Africa. Co-existence in the current state of affairs is equivalent to serfdom. The Arab regimes remain paralyzed under the interests of their capitalist classes. Until and unless the entire balance of forces is not revamped and the numb mindset which blindly accepts the dictatorship of the U.S. is not rejuvenated, Israel will remain undefeated. The rules of the game must be changed. Those who have remained silent for so long must raise their voices against injustice, oppression and exploitation.
In conclusion, neither peace nor war is a suitable solution for the Palestinian problem. A complete change is the order of the day- a change that rescales the imbalance between the rich capitalist states and the poor receiving states. This can be achieved through only two means: intensification of the conflicts within the capitalist system, or through an alternative answer presented by the victims of the system itself. Thus, the Palestinian people, together with the rest of the Arab world, must revoke the anti-imperialist camp. The corruption and duplicity of the Arab regimes, PA included, must be annihilated. The dictatorships must be replaced with democratic leaderships – where democracy must be brought forth as participative democracy, not the elected democracy that we are used to. The fusion of the national and democratic struggle of the Palestinian masses with the struggle against exploitation of the Jewish and Arab workers should be formalized through a Constituent Assembly of all the residents and expelled people of the country, in order to establish a democratic, secular and socialist republic in the whole territory of historic Palestine. Thus, the alternative proposed is socialism that wipes out private wealth and hands it to its proper owners. The proletariat must “stand at the front of the petty-bourgeois and declassed elements and combine democratic reforms with the socialist struggle against the local bourgeoisie and imperialism.” This is not only the necessary alternative to capitalism but is also an ideological and practical alternative to globalization. It must be realized that globalization is but a regime that the U.S is presently imposing on the rest of the world. The “global village” is far from being a place of equal opportunity or a sanctuary for human rights. Nor is globalization merely an “information revolution”. Rather, “it amounts to a counter-revolution in the relations between the state and the owners of capital.” (Efrat, 2001). Capitalist globalization is indeed a deliberate construction of the few elites that enables them to exploit the destitute many. The same system, however, should be used by its victims to unite and turn the guns around!

Bibliography

Efrat, Y.B., January-February 2001, The Solution: An Internationalist Perspective. Challenge # 65, Site accessed in March 2003, http://www.hanitzotz.com/challenge/65/talk.html
Challenge #67, May-June 2001, The Palestinian Bourgeoisie and the National Program: Debate with the Palestinian Left. Site accessed in March 2003,
http://www.hanitzotz.com/challenge/67/mis.html

Hollis, R., 1996, The State in the International System- Alternative Theoretical Frameworks. Site accessed in March 2003, http://www.passia.org/seminars/96/statein.htm
Leon, A., March 2002, The Jewish Question: A Marxist Interpretation, First English edition: Ediciones Pioneras, Mexico City 1950. Site accessed in March 2003. http://www.socialistviewpoint.org/march_02/mar_02_29b.html
Marx, K., Frederick Engels, 1848, Manifesto of the Communist Party. First published in February 1848 in London. The translation used follows that of the authorized English translation by Samuel Moore of 1888 and Hal Draper's 1994 translation.
ODA E-book, December 2001, The Palestinian Question and the Socialist Alternative. Site accessed in March 2003, http://www.odaction.org/book/.html

Socialism and Democracy, 2003, The Palestine Question.
http://www.socialismanddemocracy.org/32/palestine_question.htm

The Palestinian Question and the Struggle for Socialism in the Middle East, March 3rd 2001. Lecture delivered at an International Seminar and Conference on the Balkans and the Middle East, held in Athens, Greece, 15-19 March 2001. Transcribed by Daniel Rubinstein. Marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for REDS – Die Roten. Site accessed in March 2003, http://www.marxists.de/middleast/current/struggle.htm

Treanor, P., 2003, Zionism = Racism. Site accessed December 2003, http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/zionism.html

Draft Program of the CMKP

2004-06-01T05:57:00.000-07:00

[A]

I. The domination of the capitalist system is becoming more and more complete in Pakistan. The ruling-class of Pakistan serves the interests of U.S. imperialism. The IMF, Multinational companies, World Bank and the World Trade Organization determine the economic, political, and foreign policy of Pakistan. The civil-military bureaucracy, big capitalists, and feudal lords are the ruling class of Pakistan. Pakistan is a neo-colonial capitalist country with substantial feudal remnants.

II. The continuous advance of capitalism results in small-scale producers being squeezed out by big capitalists. Capital and wealth is becoming concentrated in the hands of a relatively insignificant number of civil-military bureaucrats, capitalists, and big landowners as their private property. A few rich families control all the land, factories, tools, machinery, means of communication, educational & health institutions and so on. Peasants and small producers are being more and more ruined and becoming transformed into workers and servants of big capital.

III. Poverty, inflation, unemployment, corruption, starvation are all a product of this developing capitalist system. The labor of workers creates the wealth of the rich, yet today in Pakistan one in every three persons cannot afford a decent meal. Every kind of humiliation is becoming the lot of the Pakistani working people. This process is still further aggravated by the economic crisis in Pakistan. Thousands of factories remain closed while workers are starving from unemployment.

IV. All the development in Pakistan has only benefited a tiny elite. The rich are getting richer while the poor are getting poorer.

[B]

V. But while all these inevitable contradictions of capitalism grow and develop, the numbers and the solidarity, the discontent and the indignation of the workers’ also grow. The struggle between the working class and the capitalist class increases and the desire grows to overthrow the capitalist system.

VI. Only the workers can overthrow capitalism. All the other classes of modern society stand for preserving the foundations of the existing economic order. The real liberation of the working class requires a revolution. A revolution that abolishes private ownership of the means of production. A revolution that transforms private property into property of the state. A revolution that organizes production on a socialist basis that benefits society as a whole. A revolution that lays the foundation for the greatest benefit and the free and all-round development of all members of society.

VII. This workers revolution will create a society without classes and social and political inequality.

VIII. In order to carry out this revolution the workers must win political power. Political power will make the workers masters of the situation and allow them to remove all obstacles that stand in the way of their great objective. Therefore, the dictatorship of the workers is a necessary political condition for this revolution.

IX. Our party sets itself the task of showing to the workers that the interests of capitalists are opposed to the interests of workers; that these class interests are irreconcilable. Our party sets itself the task of showing to the workers the historical signficance, character, and condition of the revolution it is destined to carry out. Our party sets itself the task of organizing a revolutionary workers party capable of directing all the aspects of the struggle of the workers.

X. Our party regards itself as a Marxist-Leninist unit of the world army of the workers and as part of the international communist movement. Our party rejects Trotskyism, social democracy, and revisionism on the one hand and the theory of social imperialism on the other.

XI. The immediate objectives of our party are to destroy the neo-colonial and semi-feudal chains in which the people of Pakistan are enslaved. The pillar of support of these neo-colonial and semi-feudal chains is the civil military bureaucracy. This is the worst and most dangerous enemy of the movement for the freedom of workers and of the development of democracy.

[C]

For this purpose our party sets itself immediate task of a Peoples Democratic Revolution that will pave the way for socialism. Such a revolution will overthrow the current neo-colonial system and lay the foundation for a new democratic society that would secure:

1. Democracy

a. The complete restoration of democracy and national sovereignty of the people. Universal, equal and direct suffrage in elections to the parliament as well as to all the organs of local government for every citizen above the age of 18. Election by secret ballot; the right of every elector to be elected to any representative assembly. That is, the concentration of all power in the elected representatives of the people without outside interference.

b. Complete accountability before the people and an end to all corruption. Recovery of the money that has been embezzled in tax evasion and loan frauds

c. Unrestricted liberty of conscience, freedom of speech, of the press, of meetings, or strikes and of association.

d. The recognition of the rights of self-determination including the right to form a separate state for all nationalities in Pakistan.

2. Secularism

a. Complete elimination of all discriminatory practices and laws against women including the hadood ordinance against women. The principle of equal pay for equal work in the work place. Full integration of women in all aspects of national life.

b. Complete equality of rights for all citizens irrespective of sex, religion, race or nationality.

c. Religion to be the private affair of the individual completely indpendent of the affairs of the state. The conversion of deeni madrassahs into state schools run on the basis of a progressive and scientific national syllabus.

d. The right of all religious groups to freely practice the religion of their choice.

3. Socialism

a. Workers control over all the basic large scale industries of Pakistan

b. Land to the Tiller -- Complete and comprehensive uncompenstated land reform. Distribution of all feudal land to the landless peasants.

c. Elimination of poverty, inflation and unemployment through a planned economy.

d. A house to every citizen of Pakistan.

e. 8 hour work day and a ‘living wage’.

f. Universal free and compulsory education up to the age of sixteen; poor children to be supplied with food, clothes and school appliances at the cost of the state.

g. The provision of free and universal basic health facitilites to all the people of Pakistan.

4. Anti-Imperialism

a. Fraternal assistance to all progressive movements all over the third world to overthrow the rule of US imperialism and Zionism. We will especially render our fraternal assistance to the war of liberation in Palestinians, Afghanistan, and Iraq.

Punjab Committee Decisions

2004-05-31T05:57:00.000-07:00

(Cheecha Watni 30th May) The Communsit Mazdoor Kissan Party held a two day meeting of the fourth session of the Punjab Committee in Cheecha Watni on the 29th and 30th of May 2004. In addition to the members of the PC the meeting was attended by honourable members of the central committee of the CMKP.

The meeting analysed the political, economic, and organisational questions in the context of Pakistan and world politics today. The Punjab party took the decision to begin a concerted program of study circles, meetings, conferences, rallies, and seminars in 21 districts of the Punjab over the next six months. These districts are Lahore, Qasur, Faislabad, Toba Tek Singh, Bahawalpur, Bahawalnagar, Shekhupura, Rawalpindi/Islamabad, Rajanpur, D.G. Khan, Lodhran, Viharri, Sargodha, Mianwalli, Pakpattan, Sahiwal, Gujrat, Gujranwala, Okara, Multan, and Khanewal. The Punjab Committee has delegated responsibility to its members to mobilize the party in all 21 districts of the Punjab against imperialism, feudalism, capitalism, religious obscurantism, and military dictatorship.

The Punjab Committee of the Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party supports the the sacrifices and struggle of the people of Nepal in the current general strike and the heroic peoples war led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). This struggle against the ossified and reactionary systems of feudalism and monarchy is a genuine peoples struggle. The fact that the US imperialists have attempted to brand the CPN(m) as a terrorist organisation is not only condemnable but utterly reactionary, unjust, and ridiculous.

Similarly, the CMKP supports the glorious strike of 50 million workers under the leadership of the Confederation of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) and the Communists of India against the anti-democratic decision of the supreme court of India.

The CMKP analysed the results of the election in India and concluded that the utter defeat of the BJP and its reactionary allies by the Indian people, the 22.7 million votes that the Communist Parties of India were able to mobilize, the formation of provincial governments in three states of India by Communists is a clear testimont to the return of the ideas of socialism among the people of South Asia. At the same time, we salute the Communist Parties of India for defeating the BJP and its reactionary allies in the central government while at the same time not becoming a part of the government itself. This action has destroyed the so-called "Washington Consensus" and and opened to route in South Asia for genuine peace and the real eradication of poverty.

The CMKP boldly announces we will fulfill our historic duty of destroying imperialism, feudalism, obscurantism and military dictatorship and leading the people to a socialist revolution just like the Communist in India and Nepal have destroyed the “Washington Consensus”, feudalism, monarchy, and communalism.

Long Live Communism
Long Live the Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party

PMKP Punjab Secretary Letter of Resignation

2004-05-03T05:54:00.000-07:00

Pakistan Mazdoor Kissan Party

Respected members of the Central Committee and Central Council

Aslamualekum
Comrades,

Every political economic struggle is the product of the struggle of a particular political movement or party. In fact it would be correct to say that the collective aspirations and struggle of the people is conducted along certain ideological principles and goals. In order to conduct its struggle the party as an organization creates a constitution and a program and creates organs [committees] of the party. This process results in collective ideological action.

The constitution of the party is a sacred and revered document that we take guidance from in our daily struggles and are compelled by our own conscience to follow. In Marxist revolutionary parties the constitution of the party is approved by a national congress. And the national congress is the supreme organ of the party.

Comrades, I would like to bring your attention to certain matters within the party that are a complete deviation from the constitution and program of the party and have undermined the organs of the party. These unconstitutional actions have resulted in the insult and demoralization of revolutionary cadres and have undermined the organs of the party. Whereas in the constitution it clearly states S (5) “The individual is subservient to the collective and all members are subservient to the national council” Party leaders and a clique of other CC members are consistently bypassing the organs of the party and deliberately taking the party towards further splits and disorganization.

In the province of Pakhtunkhwa (NWFP) the president of the party is openly collaborating with the Peoples Party (Sherpao) and it is open knowledge that he is helping to make their rallies more successful. The result is that it leaves the impression that our party is in a united front with the Sherpao group. The question is that if this is a united front, at what level was this decided, which organ of the party approved these actions, and why was there no written circular about such a decision. And if there hasn’t been any such decision then why are these unconstitutional actions being conducted when they have not been approved by any organ of the party.
The Pakistan army and Coalition Forces are conducting military operations resulting in gross violations of the rights of people in the tribal areas and on the frontier of the country. Why has there been a refusal to clarify the position of the party in this regard? The silence of the pakhtunkhwa party suggests deeper implications.
The party organs were not taken into confidence during the rallies and programs of the float march conducted under the leadership of the General Secretary. As a result these activities were not well-organized or successful.
No policy letter or decisions of the central committee have been conveyed to any organs of the party. This shows the complete incompetence of the general secretary of the party.
The decision to appoint an organizer in Multan was taken without the permission of the Punjab Committee. This is a violation of the constitution and an affront to party democracy.
The General Secretary of the party and certain central committee members are constantly interfering with the work of the Punjab committee of the party as was visible to all during the meeting on the 22nd of May.
It says unequivocally in the constitution S (3) “[the party] will attempt to create under its leadership a united front of all revolutionary classes and all revolutionary groups.” And S (9) article (3) section (f) “[the party] must attempt to unite all leftist forces and progressive parties, institutions, and individuals in a serious and meaningful peoples democratic front.” Instead owing to activities of the General Secretary the party is being converted into a Marxist sect. According to the views of the Gen. Sec. aside from Inqalabi Jedojehd all other parties are “counter-revolutionary”.
The slanders against the historic leaders of the communist movement [in pakistan] in the pamphlets of the party are being conducted according to a well-thought out plan. In the constitution of the party it states S (4) “[the party] views all revolutionary leaders and movements of the past with reverence and respect and [the party] rejects any attempt to demean them by comparing their work with the objective conditions of today.” The leaders of the past together with their fine qualities and mistakes have become part of history. Whose agenda is being fulfilled by this campaign of slander against their work? Further, which organ of the party has approved these pamphlets?
In Lahore we held a demonstration in favor of the Nepali Maoists. This was a policy matter of the national level. Yet the decision to hold a demonstration was taken at the Lahore level. This is another violation of the constitution. Why were the national and provincial committees of the party bypassed and no special session called on this issue?
In a pamphlet issued by the party it was announced that Inqalabi Jedojehd had united with the party and it was announced that on the 1st of May 2003 this unity had been established. The United Front was called “Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Pakistan” (RFLP). But a year later no member of the party is even aware that such a united front exists. In this regard I am in full conformity with the letter of the Deputy Secretary Punjab and want to put the entire letter in front of the party for debate.
There has never been any accountability or auditing at any level in the party. There is no accounting of expenditures and incomes. In this respect, from which sources was the money for the float march and other activities raised and how much was spent and where was it spent. Such an audit report has neither been put together nor has it been published for the party cadres.
Funds for the publication of the book of the General Secretary and another member of the central committee were raised from ASR foundation, an NGO, and later these books were sold to the same NGO for twice the cost. But the campaign against NGOs and party policy is in complete contradiction with these actions. Why this contradiction?
In Lahore aside from the general secretary and one member of the central committee there is no district committee, no cells, and no members. Despite one year of work not even a basic unit of the party has been established. The party is being run on false claims and verbal promises.
After the debacle on 12th July 2003 [the split in the Punjab Party] instead of controlling the crisis, uniting the cadres, and upholding the unity of the party a campaign of slanders and conspiracies was launched. And an individual began to run the party like a personal fiefdom.

Comrades, without self-criticism and self-accountability it is not possible to correct our mistakes. Instead of self-criticism and self-accountability in response to the objections raised regarding the unconstitutional acts and bypassing the organs of the party conspiracies, slanders, false propaganda, and lies were fabricated.

In such conditions, committed cadres and revolutionary comrades do not desire to become a part of this conspiratorial atmosphere or to further weaken the unity of the party and will give preference to stepping aside.

Date: 3 May 2003

[name withheld]
Secretary (Gen.)
Pakistan M.K. Party
Punjab

May Day 2004

2004-05-02T05:59:00.000-07:00

Labor Day was celebrated the world over with great fervor and zeal. Many used this day to reminisce the days of Socialist glory especially in the Soviet Union; when the preservation and upholding of rights of the labor class was considered an imperative. Likewise here in Pakistan, May Day was celebrated widely across the country. CMKP actively took part in the activities organized by the mass-based organizations and proved to be the only political party that participated with the mass-based organizations. The red banner of the CMKP bearing the hammer-sickle flew high and wide within the rallies and activities held on May Day. CMKP organized large rallies in five districts of Pakistan: Lahore, Karachi, Multan and Hashtnagar. In other areas CMKP comrades participated in rallies organized by other left organizations or mass organizations.

CMKP Lahore marched jointly with the traditional trade union march organized by the largest confederation of trade unions: Pakistan Workers Confederation. True to Leninist ideals of creating links with mass organizations of the working class CMKP held its rally with the working class. The rally originated from the Lahore Press Club near Shimla Pahari, and marched to Laxmi Chowk. At Laxmi Chowk workers torched a dummy of US President George Bush. Then everyone broke out into a fever of Bhangra to the beat of several dhol walas. Workers were chanting slogans with the beat of the dhols. The dance was symbolic of the liberation of emotions trapped within oppressed souls waiting for the voice of freedom to be raised against the ruling class. Then the rally proceeded to Mall Road chanting slogans in favor of a socialist revolution, against imperialism, against the army, against oppression, poverty, inflation, and unemployment. The rally culminated in front of Lahore High Court.

CMKP Condemns Italian Government's Fascist Act

2004-04-17T13:40:00.000-07:00

Demands Release of Detained Comrades of Anti-Imperialist Camp

Communist Workers Peasants Party, Pakistan (CMKP) condemns in strongest terms the arrests of Comrades Moreno Pasquinelli (the international spokesman), Alessia Monteverdi and Maria Grazia Ardizzone of Anti-imperialist Camp and two Turkish exiles, supposedly members of the DHKP-C (Avni Er and Zeynep Kilic). Their sin before the Italian government is their ceaseless political resistance to American military invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in particular and US imperialist vendetta all over the world in general. They have been also exposing and hitting hard the Zionist Israeli government’s savage act on the Palistinian people. Anti-Imperialist Camp’s persistent struggle against imperialist intruders, barbarism, occupation and economic plunder has made the Italian government panicky, as it is also the ally of US imperialist monster.

Their arrests are so far aimed at harassing them but would not deter their resolve to rock the edifice of imperialism. The criminal act speaks of its cowardice and fascist mentality. Communist Workers Peasants Party, Pakistan (CMKP) denounces such method and demands of the Italian government to immediately release them. Our comrades, at present behind the bar, are not alone but the people of the entire world are with them to fight imperialism and its puppet like Italy.

CMKP feels its fraternal and international obligation to demonstrate its solidarity with Anti-Imperialist Camp at the hour of trial and tribulation.

Down with fascist tactics
Down with US war mongering
Down with imperialism.

Army Operation in Wana

2004-03-23T13:43:00.000-08:00

CMKP Condemns Army Atrocities in South Waziristan

In a world where the word “terrorist” can mean simply anyone who is against the US and its operations in Iraq, Palestine, Nepal.

Anyone who refuses to sit back and watch while they “lawfully” take action against these areas and peoples, just about anybody can be captured, tortured or simply killed in the name of the War Against Terror. The army has not presented any evidence whatsoever to justify the attack in South Waziristan Wana. Bombing a truck full of evacuees to eliminate the possibility of a single terrorist among them demonstrates the callous disregard for life on the part of the Pakistani army. The Parliament and the people of Pakistan have been kept completely in the dark. And the entire region has become a war zone with mostly innocent people paying the price for the (mis) conduct of the Pakistani army. The lives of our people are not more than the life of a fly or an insect.

The army has sacrificed our national sovereignty to the whims of US imperialism. Today we are all terrorists because we are all opposed to US imperialism. The President may continue to receive praise and popularity abroad, while our country is given the rather discomforting title of the US’s major non-NATO ally, and unpopularity and distrust at home is increasing everyday.

In light of these facts, the CMKP will be organizing a mass demonstration in the NWFP against US imperialism. The date and location will be disclosed later.

Condemnation of the Bloody Murder of Hamas Leader Sheikh Yassin

2004-03-23T13:42:00.000-08:00

The horrific murder of Hamas spiritual leader Sheikh Yassin has rocked the world yet again. In what appears to have been a continuation of the US rhetoric of the ‘War on Terror’, Israel has taken a leaf out of American tactics of pre-emptive strikes to hunt down a feeble 67-year-old blind man. Dick Cheney says "there's only one way to deal with terrorists and that's to root them out and destroy them". Israel seems to have just pursued the policy of Uncle Sam: a policy that holds no one accountable yet kills innocent at will and behest. Hamas has been labeled by the U.S. State Department as a terrorist organization, and as such killing members of Hamas is tantamount to protecting the world from global terror threats. Similar to US tactics of targeted attacking aimed from a distance, Yassin’s car was blasted in a helicopter attack which fired three missiles at Yassin’s car. Sixteen others were wounded in the attack, including two of Yassin's sons; seven of the wounded were in critical condition.

(http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/meast/03/22/yassin/index.html).

What appears appalling is the fact that despite committing such a horrendous act of terrorism, Israeli officials maintain the virtuous and upright motive behind the attack. What appears even more atrocious is the fact that Israel conducted such a cold-blooded murder act with the utmost disregard for the possible backlash within the Middle East in particular and the world over in general. Following is a statement from Israel Defense Forces:

"This morning, in a security forces operation in the northern Gaza Strip, the IDF targeted a car carrying the head of the Hamas terror organization, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, and his aides," an IDF statement said.

"Yassin, responsible for numerous murderous terror attacks, resulting in the deaths of many civilians, both Israeli and foreign, was killed in the attack."

Similarly, the comments of other Israeli officials represent the sense of jubilation over what Israel values as a significant victory.

Israeli government spokesman Avi Pazner said, "Sheikh Yassin was a dangerous, extremist Islamic ideologist. I believe that he was a threat not only to Israel , but to the entire region. I believe the Middle East without Sheikh Yassin, in the long run, will be a better place to live."

Ruth Maron, a spokeswoman for the Israeli military, said the IDF took action because the Palestinian Authority has failed "time and time again to do it, and we have no other choice."

Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon thanked the security forces who carried out the operation and said the "war on terror is not over." "The ideological essence of this man was one -- the murder and killing of Jews wherever they are and the destruction of the state of Israel ," Sharon said

While White House National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice insists that the United States did not know about the attack in advance, Izzedine al Qassam, the military wing of Hamas, threatened violent retaliation in a statement, blaming both Israelis and the US government for the assaination. "The Zionists cannot have carried out this act without the approval of the U.S. administration, which carries the responsibility for this crime," said the Izzedine al Qassam statement. While the ever-didactic Condoleezza Rice preaches "It is very important that everyone step back now and try now to be calm in the region," the reality n ground is very different. Violent protests have erupted in Palestinian areas along West Bank and Gaza . CNN reports:

Palestinian protesters clashed with Israeli troops protecting the Gush Katif settlement in southern Gaza , according to Israeli officials.

A Qassam rocket was fired into the Erez industrial zone at the border crossing between Gaza and Israel , a Hamas spokesman said. There were no reports of casualties.

In Tel Aviv, a Palestinian armed with an ax attacked Israelis, authorities reported. There were no serious injuries. The Palestinian was arrested.

The European Union has on the contrary reacted more pragmatically, and has gauged the gravity of the situation well. European Union foreign ministers condemned the act, terming it as Israel 's "extra-judicial killing". "Not only are extra-judicial killings contrary to international law, they undermine the concept of the rule of law, which is a key element in the fight against terrorism," they said at their regular monthly meeting in Brussels . Similarly, British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw described the assassination as "unacceptable" and "unjustified". Mr. Straw said he did not think Israel would benefit from an attack on an old man in a wheelchair. French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin said such acts could only "feed the spiral of violence". The European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, said the killing was "very, very bad news" for the Middle East peace process. In Moscow , the Russian foreign ministry said it was "deeply concerned" at the assassination, which it feared would cause "a new wave of violence".

The New-World Order that the US and its allies are trying to create and perpetuate, and more importantly the means to achieve that Order, will further polarize the world into many different factions. While the US may envisage the Islamic world as the main threat against its New-World Order, the practice of malicious aggression against Islamic targets will lead to further antagonism and alienation of the US and its allies. Iranian officials said the killing would trigger an even bigger struggle against Israel and the US . The cases of US involvement in Afghanistan, Iraq and now the unilateral aggression of Israel in Palestine seems to have extended US Imperialistic motives far greater than just political balance of power. The polarization and passive disapproval for US policies in the Middle East seems to be represented by the comments of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who described the incident as cowardly, and King Abdullah of Jordan who termed the episode a crime.

The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party ( Punjab ) repudiates this act of vengeance committed by the Israeli government, and considers it an act of carnage directed unilaterally upon unprovoked individuals. The CMKP bereaves those who lost their loves ones, and condemns the United States and Israel for cultivating hatred and revulsion for US policies among the people of Palestine . The CMKP stands in solidarity with its Palestinian brothers and sisters, and believes that the Imperialist and despotic agenda of the US will serve to create many more freedom fighters for the liberation of the Palestinian nation.

Rally against US Imperialism on 20th March

2004-03-20T13:43:00.000-08:00

March 20th was celebrated the world over as a Global Day of Action against US Imperialism. In Lahore ( Pakistan ), the political parties of the left, not surprisingly, were the only parties to protest against US imperialist mercantile policies in the Iraq and Afghanistan . Among other activities, a rally had been planned by the left parties and organizations. It had been planned to begin the rally from Nasser Bagh, and march along Shahrah-e-Quaid-e-Azam to express public discontentment and anger at the policies of the US government, and the active approval of those policies by the Government of Pakistan. The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party had pledged its support for this cause, and true to our promise, we were able to galvanize a contingent as a result of the conduction of a massive mobilization drive from all segments of society that included laborers, women and students.

The CMKP contingent reached Nasser Bagh at 2.30 p.m. where a large number of supporters had already assembled. What we witnessed at the time was a fairly muted atmosphere, inspite of the presence of the large number of protestors and a plethora of banners and placards. This subdued tone could perhaps be attributed to the overwhelming presence of armed police personnel. We were told that that the Police had vowed not to let us march at all, let alone march towards Shahrah-e-Quaid-e-Azam. The CMKP leadership present held discussions with leaders from other groups, and as a result a decision was taken to continue the march, but take an alternative route. We would now march from Nasser Bagh to Data Darbar instead.

The CMKP contingent then set about increasing the momentum and mood of proceedings in Nasser Bagh. Proving to be by far the most vociferous lot among the supporters of the rally, the CMKP contingent managed to attract supporters from other organizations due to their attractive, vociferous and effusive chanting. Dressed mostly in red or white, a lot of CMKP members got their faces painted red to announce the active disapproval of the imperialistic policies both home and abroad. The CMKP also raised attractive slogans, which got the members of the procession involved. Popular slogans raised were

‘Surkhay Aa gayay maidain mai… ho jamalo !!!’ (The Reds are Back…Time to Celebrate !),

‘Sab Zulmon ka Ek Jawaab…Inkilaab Inkilaab’ (The Solution to All Injustices…Revolution !!!),

‘Lutt Kha Gayay…Yeh Wardee Walay… Yeh Army Walay’(The Ones dressed in uniforms…the Army Generals have gobbled down everything),

‘Surkh Hai Surkh Hai Asia Surkh Hai’( Asia is Red Again).

This boisterous activity of the CMKP contingent attracted supporters from the Millat Factory Union workers, members of the People’s Rights Movement, members of the Labor Party as well as supporters from the Pakistan Social Forum and the Aurat Foundation. As the chanting became more voluble and enthusiastic, a contingent of Tabqati Jadojehad also joined the procession at Nasser Bagh. Not only did the CMKP chant slogans against the Chanting slogans this way, the 1500 or so protestors of the rally began their march against US Imperialism.

Instead of marching towards the Punjab Assembly, the protestors of the rally began their march towards Data Darbar. We were joined along the way by more students as well as members belonging to the lawyer community. The CMKP distributed 4000 pamphlets regarding the ruthless and inhumane treatment of the Iraqi people by the US government and its allies, both to the participants of the rally as well as bystanders along the way. Gradually, as the procession approached Data Darbar, the count of the supporters of the rally increased to about a thousand. The supporters of the rally culminated their march in front of Data Darbar, where the leadership of participating parties was scheduled to address the gathering. Unfortunately, members of the Tabqati Jadojehad, in conjunction with members of the Pakistan Social Forum, monopolized proceedings refusing to allow members from other parties to express their opinion to the gathering present. Whereas it had been agreed upon in the organizational meetings of the rally that all leaders will address the participants of the rally against US Imperialism, Tabqati Jadojehad committed an open violation to the unsaid accord that that had been agreed upon in the organizational meetings. Similarly, while the route of the rally was reconfirmed in conjunction with the leadership of all parties convened at Nasser Bagh, Tabqati Jadojehad and Pakistan Social Forum turned the procession into an exclusive one with their tact of political alienation of other parties present.

The CMKP believes in the unity of the left-based parties in Pakistan as a stepping tone towards the path of Socialist Revolution in Pakistan . The CMKP vows to preserve the solidarity of those who pledge support for the cause of proletarian power in Pakistan . Unfortunately, instances such as these, where opportunist elements hijack collective interests for personal gain and popularity, lead to the deviation from the spirit of unity and solidarity, and ultimately towards the discontent and disenfranchisement of the masses in general. The rally against US Imperialism might have been a relative success, but the ultimate objective of creating a united left to fight against the global US imperialism, and to resist and remove the domestic pawns of US Imperialism in the face of Musharraf and Co. has certainly not been realized.

Lenin asserted about the Mensheviks and Social Democrats in 1917:

‘Their position is so false, and they are so badly confused and bewildered, that they are unable to "recover" this truth they have lost’

We must rid ourselves of the same influences that Lenin warns us against.

Khanewal AMP

2004-03-14T06:05:00.000-08:00

Many of you may already have read in the Urdu newspapers that CMKP Punjab President and Jamaat e Islami Kissan Board had a verbal altercation at the Khanewal Anjuman Mazarin Rally. Here is our version of events.

The Khanewal rally of the Anjuman Mazarin was attended by about 8,000 people (the tents contained an estimated 6,000 and there must be at least two thousand outside). Half the participants were women. This was a major rally of the AMP after the May crackdown. In the interrim many smaller rallies were organised including one in Renalakhurd.

The CMKP Punjab President spoke directly about a socialist revolution the program of the communist mazdoor kissan party. He also explained to the peasants the the military and the MMA were in collusion against the people of Pakistan and that in order to win basic and fundamental rights it would be necessary to carry through a revolution in Pakistan.

For sometime now the CMKP has been breaking this long held taboo in Pakistani politics where socialists have been confined to their own circles and they do not speak about socialism or communism in large public rallies or to the general public. The repression in the previous decade was such that most parties are afraid of calling themselves socialist or communist and especially of boldly taking their program to the people. Here in Pakistan the dominating form of revisionism is the practice of keeping socialism from the people. Even where socialists are involved in trade union or peasant organisations they seldom speak about their political ideas, concentrating solely on the lowest and most local direct economic struggle at the expense of the larger political program. Most are afraid of a reaction from the vastly more powerful right-wing religious forces and also from the enormous state. Socialism and specially COMMUNISM are words restricted to meetings of party cadres and intellectuals or circles where it is safe. These safe circles also imply that our movement is stuck in the same narrow circle mentality with all its petty squabbles.

The CMKP has consciously made an effort to get everyone on the left to become bolder and to take their program directly to the common people. To speak about Marxism-Leninism, about socialism about communism and about revolution. Some say that we are stupid, rash, and fool hardy. We believe that the workers movement cannot become a mass movement for socialism unless workers are educated about socialism. The economic movement does not spontaneously lead to an advanced political movement for socialism. The opportunists say they are hiding from the agencies, but this is complete rubbish. The agencies know who they are and even where they operate. Only the workers don't know what these parties are really fighting for. If the workers know what communism and socialism actually mean, they would embrace these views with open arms and our movement would break out of its circle mentality and become a mass based workers movement. The party must be hidden, true, but the program of the party, the ideas of socialism must be the most public ideas in society. The opportunists have parties that are exposed and programs that are hidden from the people. Its time to turn all this around.

That is why the CMKP is boldly taking Marxism-Leninism to the people. Naturally there is also a steady reaction that is building to its advances. First in the face of internal opposition. Those who broke from us, dropped "communist" from their name and colluded with the military and specifically the Water and Power Minister Aftab Sherpao. These were elements that were terrified of the religious-right and the establishment and want to curry favour with them by changing their colours. They have really disappeared into the political wilderness and for most of us have become entirely irrelevant.

And now an external reaction directly from the Jamaat e Islami. At the Khanewal Rally, viewing the popular acceptance of the ideas of socialism, the general secretary of the Kissan Board and the General Secretary of the Jamaat e Islami launched a verbal attack on the CMKP Punjab president and against socialism. The attack itself is totally irrelevant because it is was filled with complete political shallowness. But the fact of this verbal altercation forced everyone of the speakers to take a position. We are proud to say that the overwhelming majority of the speakers including Asim Akhtar (peoples rights movement) and Asma Jehangir (HRCP) defended the position of the CMKP against the JI. This is another step forward against reaction.

We must become bolder comrades.
We must speak about socialism communism, Marxism-Leninism, and abour revolution.
Most importantly, we must take these ideas to the masses of working people who will inevitably accept these revolutionary ideas and create a mass based movement.

Long Live the Glorious Peoples War of Nepal

2004-02-17T13:44:00.000-08:00

We in Pakistan have followed the development of the Peoples War under the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) with great interest and attention. The Peoples War in Nepal has not only opened a new chapter in the history of your country but in the history of the entire Sub-Continent. Your efforts have irrevocably proved the vitality of communism and revived the thinking of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse-Tung. We have been doing our best to popularise and build support for your movement and party in Pakistan. We salute your valiant efforts, your boundless energy, your youth, your vitality, your commitment, and your love of the people. You have stormed the heavens and from the rooftop of the world have shown the way to the entire people of the Sub-Continent the path of the peoples army and peoples war. The hills of Nepal are our hills. The liberated areas of Nepal are our liberated areas. The struggle in Nepal is our struggle.

Long Live the Glorious Peoples War
Long Live Communism
Long Live the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)